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Posts with the tag Katie Basilovecchio

Darfur


A young Sudanese girl, one of 15,000 in the Touloum camp in eastern Chad that ahve escaped from Darfur. - Ryan Spencer Reed

Children in a refugee camp - Mia Farrow

Displaced child - David Johnson

A village burning after government aerial bombardments - Brian Steidle

Masses of displaced people looking to find shelter - Brain Steidle

Refugee women rush to finish chores as a storm approaches the Kounoungo Camp in eastern Chad - Ryan Spencer Reed

One of the youngest members of the Justice Equality Movement (JEM) rebels patrols a hill over-looking the border between Chad and Sudan - Ryan Spencer Reed

School children in a village near Lui, South Sudan - Ryan Spencer Reed

Last Update: Jul. 7, 2009

Since 2003, the most notorious genocide of the twenty-first century has devastated millions of non-combatant civilians in Darfur. Sudan continues to send its troops and Janjaweed proxy militias to systematically destroy the livelihoods of Darfurians by bombing and burning villages, looting economic resources, and murdering, raping, and torturing non-combatant civilians. Rebels in Darfur are also complicit in the recruitment of child soldiers and the commission of other acts of violence against civilians.

The scale of ongoing violence caused us to include Darfur as an Area of Concern starting in 2008 and we have engaged in political advocacy and civilian protection projects to lessen suffering in the region.

Most international agencies state that more than 200,000 civilians have died due to a combination of violence, malnutrition and disease. Over 2.7 million people have been displaced within Sudan, with an additional 250,000 crossing the border into Chad. GI-NET's compilation of UN and other reports from Darfur lead to three strong conclusions:

1. Direct violence is still occurring, with over 1,200 reported fatalities between Jan. and Sep. 2008.

2. The Sudanese government and Janjaweed militia are responsible for 79% of civilian deaths and 88% of the people they kill are civilians. Coordinated aerial and ground attacks continued in 2008.

3. Civilians account for between 65 and 75% of all fatalities. 70% of civilians die in what appear to be one-sided attacks.

Violence in Darfur also targets aid workers and peacekeepers, limiting the ability of the international community to conduct humanitarian operations. The Government of Sudan itself has also been an obstacle to deploying peacekeepers and has expelled or closed 16 of the largest aid organizations operating in Darfur.

As 2009 begins, fighting continues between the government and rebel groups, resulting in the continued victimization of civilians living in the region.

The recently issued ICC arrest warrant for President al-Bashir has added an additional layer of complexity to an already complicated conflict.

Background on Darfur
A History of Marginalization
Prior to 1917, Darfur was an independent sultanate and an affluent trade center with economic ties to the Mediterranean basin. The region, about the size of Spain, hosts multiple ethnic and tribal groups who have coexisted for hundreds of years. Each of these groups copes with the challenges of desert life through either a primarily pastoral or agricultural lifestyle.

Darfur was integrated into Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in 1917, shifting political power to Khartoum. Since then, Darfur has been marginalized and often ignored in the national political debate. The region receives paltry economic and development assistance and lacks large-scale infrastructure. This underdevelopment, combined with increasing desertification in the region, has left agriculturalists and pastoralists with limited economic opportunities, competing with each other for land and water in an increasingly fragile and hostile environment.

Stepping Stones to Conflict
As competition for economic resources began to polarize different ethnic groups, nomads, militias and arms from Chad and Libya began to stream in to the region to boost the support and power of Darfurian Arab leaders. Traditional reconciliation measures were no longer able to settle disputes over crops and grazing land, leading to increasing militarization in the region. The complexities of desertification, famines, and the civil war raging between North and South Sudan contributed to a rise in regional tensions during the 1980s.

As the civil war between the North and the South peaked in the 1990's, the government ignored rising violence in Darfur. While the Comprehensive Peace Agreement ended the North-South War in 2003 and granted additional political power to South Sudan, it failed to account for the effects of the war on Darfur. Additionally, Darfur remained underdeveloped and marginalized at the federal level. This neglect, combined with allegations that the government was arming Arab tribesmen to raid non-Arab villages, was cited as the justification for a February 2003 rebel attack on a Sudanese Air Force Base at El Fasher, North Darfur.

Dynamics of the Ongoing Genocide
In response to the rebel movements, the government launched a counter-insurgency campaign, escalating into a scorched earth policy. One of the campaign's central strategies was the hiring, training and arming of local militias, including historic rivals of the rebellious groups, who primarily belong to the Fur, Zaghawa, or Massalit ethnic groups.

These militias came to be known as the Janjaweed, loosely translated as the "devil on horseback." Janjaweed raiders engage in mass terror of villages, murdering and displacing non-combatants, looting and burning food stocks, and enslaving and raping women and children. This land campaign is accompanied by Sudanese Air Force bombardment of rebel villages, providing air support for mounted Janjaweed attacks on civilians.

This conflict is often characterized as a clash between Arab and non-Arab ethnicities residing in Darfur; however, the distinctions between perpetrators and victims are oversimplified through this illustration. The conflict is rooted in the manipulation of latent and overt ethnic tensions by both the Sudanese government and rebel movements in order to polarize the residents of Darfur. These tensions contribute to a web of shifting alliances between the government in Khartoum, local tribes and rebel groups.

The Sudanese government appears to be using the chaos to enforce dominance over rebellious groups in order to increase federal control over Darfur. Due to rising factionalism among rebel groups, any tangible resolution to this conflict is delayed, despite numerous peace talks.

Failed Peace Processes
Repeated negotiations have been largely unsuccessful. The most successful talks so far took place in Abuja, Nigeria in 2005-2006, resulting in the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA). Present at these negotiations were the Sudanese government and three main rebel groups: the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Abdel Wahid Mohamed al-Nur's faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and Minni Minawi's faction of the SLM (SLM-MM).

As negotiations stalled, Abdel Wahid and the JEM left the talks, leading to Minni Minawi's recognition as the principal negotiator. Despite the negotiation of the DPA, many rebels have yet to ratify it, keeping most of its key provisions from being implemented.

Since Abuja, the rebel groups have splintered, complicating the political situation by making it difficult to agree on a common negotiating position with the government of Sudan.

In October 2007, UN and AU mediators convened a peace conference in Sirte, Libya, including the government, rebels, regional leaders and Darfurian civil society groups. Unfortunately, a number of rebels, including Abdel Wahid Mohammed al-Nur boycotted the talks, delegitimizing the position of the attending rebels. The boycott, combined with the lack of a common rebel platform led to the talks to be largely unsuccessful.

In early 2009, a new round of peace talks took place in Doha, Qatar, resulting in a short-term agreement between JEM and the government.

Current Situation
Direct, violent clashes between the government and rebel groups have led to additional atrocities against civilians. The government continues a campaign of aerial bombardments of villages, attacks against humanitarian workers and international peacekeepers as well as the violation of international humanitarian law through attacks on displaced persons camps.

In January 2008, the Sudanese armed forces killed 115 civilians and displaced tens of thousands from the Jebel Moon area. A recent rise in attacks by JEM rebels near the town of Muhajiriya has displaced thousands more.

Given the fragile situation of the more than 2.7 million displaced people in Darfur, protection of civilians continues to be a priority. The situation is exacerbated by the looming cuts in aid rations due to increasing insecurity and the uncertain delivery of aid due to humanitarian expulsions.

Since 2008, the hybrid UN-AU mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has operated in Darfur and is authorized to use force to protect civilians. Despite this robust mandate, the force is still not at full strength and lacks the necessary equipment to carry out its mission. In order to effectively protect civilians and assist in the creation of a peaceful and stable Darfur, UNAMID needs to be fully staffed, equipped and internationally supported.

The ongoing violence in Darfur caused the ICC to step up its campaign to arrest and try former Sudanese State Minister of the Interior Ahmed Haroun, Janjaweed leader Ali Kushayb and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes. Sudan continues its refusal to cooperate, calling the ICC indictments political blackmail.

While Sudan attempts to gain international support for a suspension of ICC proceedings against President Bashir, it continues its offensive against rebel groups and civilians in Darfur. Bombings and raids by Janjaweed militias continue the violence that has characterized the Darfur conflict since its beginning. There also continues to be an uncounted number of indirect deaths due to the ongoing violence.

Who are the parties to the conflict?
The Sudanese Government
Sudanese Security Forces. The Sudanese government is waging a counterinsurgency campaign against Darfurian rebels, conducting indiscriminate aerial bombardments of villages and allowing their soldiers to operate under very loose rules of engagement, enabling massacres of regime opponents.


Janjaweed Militias. Translated as "devils on horseback," the Janjaweed are supported by the government of Sudan and conduct vicious attacks largely against Darfuri civilians. The Janjaweed are employed by the government, who grants them arms, salaries and even healthcare.

Armed Opposition Groups
Sudanese Liberation Army (Minni Minawi Faction). Especially after the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement, Minni Minawi (now Special Assistant to the President of Sudan), and his troops have been known to commit widespread, indiscriminate mass atrocities against civilians.

Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (Abdel Wahid al-Nur Faction). Abdel Wahid Mohammed al-Nur's faction of the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army has the most support from the Fur, the majority ethnic group in Darfur. Abdel Wahid is a major voice at peace negotiations, but has demanded the full deployment of UNAMID as a prerequisite for his participation, slowing the peace process.

Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The JEM are composed primarily of Zaghawa Darfurians. Fighting to overthrow the Khartoum regime, the JEM has increased their attacks against the Sudanese government in the last few months. They have also attacked foreign oil fields in Sudan, abducting foreign workers and causing oil companies to threaten the suspension of Sudanese operations. Led by Khalil Ibrahim, JEM is the most ideological rebel group.

Other Darfurian Rebel Groups. There are at least 20 other factions and coalitions comprising the rebel movement in Darfur. They struggle to find unity and a common negotiating position to bring up against the government of Sudan, limiting progress towards peace.

Government of Chad. Chadian government forces periodically bombard villages along the country's border with Darfur.

For more information on the different groups, see the following reports by the International Crisis Group: "Darfur's New Security Reality" and "Darfur: Revitalizing the Peace Process"

STORIES FROM THE CONFLICT
"Planes and vehicles and horses and camels came. They bombed our neighbors and one part of the bomb fell on our house. The bomb killed 10 people, four women and six children. Our house caught fire and burned to the ground. A piece of the bomb fell on my leg. People came to rescue us that night. When I came to the hospital, the doctors decided to amputate."

- Aisha, a survivor of the February 2008 attack on Silea.

Human Rights Watch "They Shot at Us as We Fled.", May 2008


Videos about Darfur
Featured Video: On Our Watch

Three years of fighting in Darfur have destroyed hundreds of villages, displaced 2.2 million and led to more than 400,000 deaths. Refugees International tells some of their stories.
Report: Sudanese refugees face rape daily in Chad
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Sep 29, 2009 8:01 PM (4 days ago) By TOM MALITI, AP
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Related Topics: NAIROBI, Kenya
NAIROBI, Kenya (Map, News) -
Women and girls who fled the fighting in Darfur face rape and other violence daily in eastern Chad, even inside the very refugee camps where they have sought sanctuary, according to a report released Wednesday.
The Amnesty International report says the women and girls are attacked by villagers living nearby, members of the Chadian army and aid workers in the camps. The global human rights body says it is difficult to give the exact number of victims because they rarely report the violence.

"Many people know that women who venture outside refugee camps in eastern Chad to collect firewood and water face harassment and rape," said Tawanda Hondora, the deputy director of Amnesty International's Africa program.

"What people don't realize is that there is little safety inside the camps for these same women," said Hondora in a statement. "They face the risk of rape and other violence at the hands of family members, other refugees, and staff of humanitarian organizations, whose task it is to provide them with assistance and support."

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Officials with the U.N. refugee agency that manages the camps declined to comment on the report, saying they had not read it.

Chadian government spokesman Mahamat Hissene denied that any Chadian had attacked the Sudanese refugees.

"Before the refugees came, we did not have rape cases in Chad," Hissene told The Associated Press. Rape cases started, "when the Sudanese came. If there are cases of rape in the camps we cannot prevent them. The government is not responsible for security in the camps."

Eastern Chad is a temporary home to about 250,000 refugees who have fled the conflict in neighboring Sudan's Darfur region. There are also camps for 187,000 Chadians displaced by fighting locally and in Darfur.

The United Nations has a peacekeeping force of about 2,300 soldiers in the region with a mandate to help protect civilians, improve security and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid. Chad also has an 800-strong unit of specially trained police and soldiers to guard the camps.

The Darfur conflict began in February 2003 when ethnic African rebels took up arms against the Arab-dominated Sudanese government in Khartoum, claiming discrimination and neglect. U.N. officials say the war has claimed at least 300,000 lives from violence, disease and displacement.
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