Isn't it true that we tend to make time for what we think is really important to us? Isn't it true that we often spend our money on things that we believe are valuable in some way? It's amazing a burger and fries here, a movie or play there. We really love to enjoy ourselves, and we should. I also think we should consider those who may not be able to do what we do. Is it possible to invite someone out to eat at the places we like to go and treat them? Is it possible to take some time out to organize a small meeting to inform your neighbors about what is going on in Darfur? Could it be that one day we will take a look at the world and realize, we here in the United States are not alone? Perhaps we could step back and think of what it would be like to take a step greater than we have. I think it is true that we all have a comfort zone as to how much we will invest in any given cause. Could we take a move to another level of participation? I can only answer that for myself, how about you?
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A young Sudanese girl, one of 15,000 in the Touloum camp in eastern Chad that ahve escaped from Darfur. - Ryan Spencer Reed
Children in a refugee camp - Mia Farrow
Displaced child - David Johnson
A village burning after government aerial bombardments - Brian Steidle
Masses of displaced people looking to find shelter - Brain Steidle
Refugee women rush to finish chores as a storm approaches the Kounoungo Camp in eastern Chad - Ryan Spencer Reed
One of the youngest members of the Justice Equality Movement (JEM) rebels patrols a hill over-looking the border between Chad and Sudan - Ryan Spencer Reed
School children in a village near Lui, South Sudan - Ryan Spencer Reed
Last Update: Jul. 7, 2009
Since 2003, the most notorious genocide of the twenty-first century has devastated millions of non-combatant civilians in Darfur. Sudan continues to send its troops and Janjaweed proxy militias to systematically destroy the livelihoods of Darfurians by bombing and burning villages, looting economic resources, and murdering, raping, and torturing non-combatant civilians. Rebels in Darfur are also complicit in the recruitment of child soldiers and the commission of other acts of violence against civilians.
The scale of ongoing violence caused us to include Darfur as an Area of Concern starting in 2008 and we have engaged in political advocacy and civilian protection projects to lessen suffering in the region.
Most international agencies state that more than 200,000 civilians have died due to a combination of violence, malnutrition and disease. Over 2.7 million people have been displaced within Sudan, with an additional 250,000 crossing the border into Chad. GI-NET's compilation of UN and other reports from Darfur lead to three strong conclusions:
1. Direct violence is still occurring, with over 1,200 reported fatalities between Jan. and Sep. 2008.
2. The Sudanese government and Janjaweed militia are responsible for 79% of civilian deaths and 88% of the people they kill are civilians. Coordinated aerial and ground attacks continued in 2008.
3. Civilians account for between 65 and 75% of all fatalities. 70% of civilians die in what appear to be one-sided attacks.
Violence in Darfur also targets aid workers and peacekeepers, limiting the ability of the international community to conduct humanitarian operations. The Government of Sudan itself has also been an obstacle to deploying peacekeepers and has expelled or closed 16 of the largest aid organizations operating in Darfur.
As 2009 begins, fighting continues between the government and rebel groups, resulting in the continued victimization of civilians living in the region.
The recently issued ICC arrest warrant for President al-Bashir has added an additional layer of complexity to an already complicated conflict.
Background on Darfur
A History of Marginalization
Prior to 1917, Darfur was an independent sultanate and an affluent trade center with economic ties to the Mediterranean basin. The region, about the size of Spain, hosts multiple ethnic and tribal groups who have coexisted for hundreds of years. Each of these groups copes with the challenges of desert life through either a primarily pastoral or agricultural lifestyle.
Darfur was integrated into Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in 1917, shifting political power to Khartoum. Since then, Darfur has been marginalized and often ignored in the national political debate. The region receives paltry economic and development assistance and lacks large-scale infrastructure. This underdevelopment, combined with increasing desertification in the region, has left agriculturalists and pastoralists with limited economic opportunities, competing with each other for land and water in an increasingly fragile and hostile environment.
Stepping Stones to Conflict
As competition for economic resources began to polarize different ethnic groups, nomads, militias and arms from Chad and Libya began to stream in to the region to boost the support and power of Darfurian Arab leaders. Traditional reconciliation measures were no longer able to settle disputes over crops and grazing land, leading to increasing militarization in the region. The complexities of desertification, famines, and the civil war raging between North and South Sudan contributed to a rise in regional tensions during the 1980s.
As the civil war between the North and the South peaked in the 1990's, the government ignored rising violence in Darfur. While the Comprehensive Peace Agreement ended the North-South War in 2003 and granted additional political power to South Sudan, it failed to account for the effects of the war on Darfur. Additionally, Darfur remained underdeveloped and marginalized at the federal level. This neglect, combined with allegations that the government was arming Arab tribesmen to raid non-Arab villages, was cited as the justification for a February 2003 rebel attack on a Sudanese Air Force Base at El Fasher, North Darfur.
Dynamics of the Ongoing Genocide
In response to the rebel movements, the government launched a counter-insurgency campaign, escalating into a scorched earth policy. One of the campaign's central strategies was the hiring, training and arming of local militias, including historic rivals of the rebellious groups, who primarily belong to the Fur, Zaghawa, or Massalit ethnic groups.
These militias came to be known as the Janjaweed, loosely translated as the "devil on horseback." Janjaweed raiders engage in mass terror of villages, murdering and displacing non-combatants, looting and burning food stocks, and enslaving and raping women and children. This land campaign is accompanied by Sudanese Air Force bombardment of rebel villages, providing air support for mounted Janjaweed attacks on civilians.
This conflict is often characterized as a clash between Arab and non-Arab ethnicities residing in Darfur; however, the distinctions between perpetrators and victims are oversimplified through this illustration. The conflict is rooted in the manipulation of latent and overt ethnic tensions by both the Sudanese government and rebel movements in order to polarize the residents of Darfur. These tensions contribute to a web of shifting alliances between the government in Khartoum, local tribes and rebel groups.
The Sudanese government appears to be using the chaos to enforce dominance over rebellious groups in order to increase federal control over Darfur. Due to rising factionalism among rebel groups, any tangible resolution to this conflict is delayed, despite numerous peace talks.
Failed Peace Processes
Repeated negotiations have been largely unsuccessful. The most successful talks so far took place in Abuja, Nigeria in 2005-2006, resulting in the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA). Present at these negotiations were the Sudanese government and three main rebel groups: the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Abdel Wahid Mohamed al-Nur's faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and Minni Minawi's faction of the SLM (SLM-MM).
As negotiations stalled, Abdel Wahid and the JEM left the talks, leading to Minni Minawi's recognition as the principal negotiator. Despite the negotiation of the DPA, many rebels have yet to ratify it, keeping most of its key provisions from being implemented.
Since Abuja, the rebel groups have splintered, complicating the political situation by making it difficult to agree on a common negotiating position with the government of Sudan.
In October 2007, UN and AU mediators convened a peace conference in Sirte, Libya, including the government, rebels, regional leaders and Darfurian civil society groups. Unfortunately, a number of rebels, including Abdel Wahid Mohammed al-Nur boycotted the talks, delegitimizing the position of the attending rebels. The boycott, combined with the lack of a common rebel platform led to the talks to be largely unsuccessful.
In early 2009, a new round of peace talks took place in Doha, Qatar, resulting in a short-term agreement between JEM and the government.
Current Situation
Direct, violent clashes between the government and rebel groups have led to additional atrocities against civilians. The government continues a campaign of aerial bombardments of villages, attacks against humanitarian workers and international peacekeepers as well as the violation of international humanitarian law through attacks on displaced persons camps.
In January 2008, the Sudanese armed forces killed 115 civilians and displaced tens of thousands from the Jebel Moon area. A recent rise in attacks by JEM rebels near the town of Muhajiriya has displaced thousands more.
Given the fragile situation of the more than 2.7 million displaced people in Darfur, protection of civilians continues to be a priority. The situation is exacerbated by the looming cuts in aid rations due to increasing insecurity and the uncertain delivery of aid due to humanitarian expulsions.
Since 2008, the hybrid UN-AU mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has operated in Darfur and is authorized to use force to protect civilians. Despite this robust mandate, the force is still not at full strength and lacks the necessary equipment to carry out its mission. In order to effectively protect civilians and assist in the creation of a peaceful and stable Darfur, UNAMID needs to be fully staffed, equipped and internationally supported.
The ongoing violence in Darfur caused the ICC to step up its campaign to arrest and try former Sudanese State Minister of the Interior Ahmed Haroun, Janjaweed leader Ali Kushayb and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes. Sudan continues its refusal to cooperate, calling the ICC indictments political blackmail.
While Sudan attempts to gain international support for a suspension of ICC proceedings against President Bashir, it continues its offensive against rebel groups and civilians in Darfur. Bombings and raids by Janjaweed militias continue the violence that has characterized the Darfur conflict since its beginning. There also continues to be an uncounted number of indirect deaths due to the ongoing violence.
Who are the parties to the conflict?
The Sudanese Government
Sudanese Security Forces. The Sudanese government is waging a counterinsurgency campaign against Darfurian rebels, conducting indiscriminate aerial bombardments of villages and allowing their soldiers to operate under very loose rules of engagement, enabling massacres of regime opponents.
Janjaweed Militias. Translated as "devils on horseback," the Janjaweed are supported by the government of Sudan and conduct vicious attacks largely against Darfuri civilians. The Janjaweed are employed by the government, who grants them arms, salaries and even healthcare.
Armed Opposition Groups
Sudanese Liberation Army (Minni Minawi Faction). Especially after the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement, Minni Minawi (now Special Assistant to the President of Sudan), and his troops have been known to commit widespread, indiscriminate mass atrocities against civilians.
Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (Abdel Wahid al-Nur Faction). Abdel Wahid Mohammed al-Nur's faction of the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army has the most support from the Fur, the majority ethnic group in Darfur. Abdel Wahid is a major voice at peace negotiations, but has demanded the full deployment of UNAMID as a prerequisite for his participation, slowing the peace process.
Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The JEM are composed primarily of Zaghawa Darfurians. Fighting to overthrow the Khartoum regime, the JEM has increased their attacks against the Sudanese government in the last few months. They have also attacked foreign oil fields in Sudan, abducting foreign workers and causing oil companies to threaten the suspension of Sudanese operations. Led by Khalil Ibrahim, JEM is the most ideological rebel group.
Other Darfurian Rebel Groups. There are at least 20 other factions and coalitions comprising the rebel movement in Darfur. They struggle to find unity and a common negotiating position to bring up against the government of Sudan, limiting progress towards peace.
Government of Chad. Chadian government forces periodically bombard villages along the country's border with Darfur.
For more information on the different groups, see the following reports by the International Crisis Group: "Darfur's New Security Reality" and "Darfur: Revitalizing the Peace Process"
STORIES FROM THE CONFLICT
"Planes and vehicles and horses and camels came. They bombed our neighbors and one part of the bomb fell on our house. The bomb killed 10 people, four women and six children. Our house caught fire and burned to the ground. A piece of the bomb fell on my leg. People came to rescue us that night. When I came to the hospital, the doctors decided to amputate."
- Aisha, a survivor of the February 2008 attack on Silea.
Human Rights Watch "They Shot at Us as We Fled.", May 2008
Videos about Darfur
Featured Video: On Our Watch
Three years of fighting in Darfur have destroyed hundreds of villages, displaced 2.2 million and led to more than 400,000 deaths. Refugees International tells some of their stories.
Report: Sudanese refugees face rape daily in Chad
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Sep 29, 2009 8:01 PM (4 days ago) By TOM MALITI, AP
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Related Topics: NAIROBI, Kenya
NAIROBI, Kenya (Map, News) -
Women and girls who fled the fighting in Darfur face rape and other violence daily in eastern Chad, even inside the very refugee camps where they have sought sanctuary, according to a report released Wednesday.
The Amnesty International report says the women and girls are attacked by villagers living nearby, members of the Chadian army and aid workers in the camps. The global human rights body says it is difficult to give the exact number of victims because they rarely report the violence.
"Many people know that women who venture outside refugee camps in eastern Chad to collect firewood and water face harassment and rape," said Tawanda Hondora, the deputy director of Amnesty International's Africa program.
"What people don't realize is that there is little safety inside the camps for these same women," said Hondora in a statement. "They face the risk of rape and other violence at the hands of family members, other refugees, and staff of humanitarian organizations, whose task it is to provide them with assistance and support."
This story continues below
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Officials with the U.N. refugee agency that manages the camps declined to comment on the report, saying they had not read it.
Chadian government spokesman Mahamat Hissene denied that any Chadian had attacked the Sudanese refugees.
"Before the refugees came, we did not have rape cases in Chad," Hissene told The Associated Press. Rape cases started, "when the Sudanese came. If there are cases of rape in the camps we cannot prevent them. The government is not responsible for security in the camps."
Eastern Chad is a temporary home to about 250,000 refugees who have fled the conflict in neighboring Sudan's Darfur region. There are also camps for 187,000 Chadians displaced by fighting locally and in Darfur.
The United Nations has a peacekeeping force of about 2,300 soldiers in the region with a mandate to help protect civilians, improve security and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid. Chad also has an 800-strong unit of specially trained police and soldiers to guard the camps.
The Darfur conflict began in February 2003 when ethnic African rebels took up arms against the Arab-dominated Sudanese government in Khartoum, claiming discrimination and neglect. U.N. officials say the war has claimed at least 300,000 lives from violence, disease and displacement.
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The purpose of this blog is to help to children of darfur. Stop the starvation and give them proper education so someday in future they can be usefull person to their District and with education they sure can stand for they own country. Stop the genocide , The children of darfur had sufer for many years tears of the children their voice. Read More »
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CALLED THE PRESIDENT'S PHONE LINE AT THE WHITE HOUSE AND LEFT COMMENT TO COME OUT WITH HIS PLAN FOR SUDAN...NOW...DARFUR VICTIMS CANNOT WAIT ANY LONGER...
ALSO TRIED TO LEAVE POST AT THE FACEBOOK..BUT COULDN'T BECAUSE I DON'T HAVE A CELL PHONE...(Why do poor people seem to have the silent voice...lol)
THE FIRST HAND I EXTENDED...or project as such... SINCE COMING TO KNOW OF THE ATROCITIES HAPPENING IN DARFUR ...yesterday...and JOINING THIS WEBSITE...today...
Is to ASK THE QUESTION...on Yahoo Answers.com
WHO SHOULD HELP DARFUR???
THE BODY OF THE QUESTIONS IS AS FOLLOWS ....................................................................................
Who do you think should STEP UP and END THE GENOCIDE in DARFUR?
PLEASE WATCH...
.............”The Devil Came on Horseback”....
PLEASE GO TO
............. www.savedarfur.org...&...www.globalgrassroots.org…
.....and....
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...
You live in the Sudan, in the region of Darfur, an African society that wants nothing more than to own it's own land, cultivate and develop the area , have a government that allows and provides for schools and health facilities in the area, and receive appropriations from the Chinese owned oil pipeline that runs through the area. You only want from your government...what the rest of the Arab Muslim populated lands are getting. But, instead, because the Chinese pay the Sudan government for 75% of the oil that runs through the pipeline, it supplies men to guard the pipeline, and the Chinese don't want your population living on it's guarded land. Because you are an African population and the majority of Sudan is Arab Muslim, the Sudanese don't want you to make a living in the land of Darfur either. So you are banished to live in desolate areas with a sparsity in food, water, firewood, or means of self-survival. As a society, you want what is only awarded the rest of the population and so you form a resistance to the prejudice...a militia that tries to negotiate and make peaceful resolutions but is forced to take a stand by fighting back....AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN....
You are running through the fire and the bullets, a baby on your back, your young children, husband, and elders lost to you, scattered in the thick dust and commotion of the bombs dropped from above. You run wildly across the dusty barren plains that you have been banished to live in as the men on camel and horseback come from all directions yelling “KILL THE SLAVES”. The Janjaweed are Arab Muslims armed with fire and weapons provided by China and the Sudanese government, that rape, torture, burn, kill, and pillage everything in sight. Looting is in their contract. Plundering the civilian relocation outposts of the African society of Darfur is the how the Janjaweed receive their only wages...AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...
Your baby being bludgeoned death while he is carried on your back while men chase you with bats as you run for your life...Your children and grandparents are shot through the heart and head right in front of you...People are tied up, laid over a rubber truck tire and hacked to pieces with an ax...Families are tied to a pole in their home as the fire set to their hut burns them alive...Your ears are cut off and your eyes are plucked out and while still alive you are set afire...You stand defenseless while watching your loved ones raped and tortured before being cruelly and mercilessly killed in front of your eyes and you imagine what they will do to you next...You have been shot in the head, thought to be dead, but still live, while the Janjaweed or Sudanese militia undress you and prepare to bury you in a mass grave...You manage to live in spite of the bullet in your head and since it is late...you won't be buried in the mass grave until morning. Early the next day, before sunrise, before any Janjaweed return to finish pillaging the village...you make your way toward the nearby Chad border... AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...
You escape across the border to Chad, the poorest country in the world, where other Darfur Africans have made an ever growing Refugee Camp. A camp of refuge in a country that is desolate and environmentally cannot support your growing numbers. You have nothing, nothing but the clothes on your back. You have been separated from your friends and family and you have no water, no cooking utensils, no food to cook, no firewood to cook with, and no home to sleep in. You must scrape the land and depend on foreign organizations that give you aide...but you still need firewood to cook with ...AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...
Even here, you are not safe, as the Janjaweed cross the border to finish their mission of extermination.
Not only in your previous relocated village in Darfur, but especially in the poor, unfruitful, and infertile neighboring refuge of Chad, collecting enough firewood for your next days meal is usually an overnight journey. Men collecting firewood risk castration and murder by the Janjaweed if they courage this venture, so instead, the women are sent because they are raped and tortured but left alive. The Janjaweed use rape as a secondary militia ploy to further the disintegration of the DarfurAfrican society. This tactic works because a husband will abandon his wife and children if it is found that she has been raped. Thus, many women and children are left to suffer and survive, alone in Chad,without protection or substance. ...AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...
You find an American has been witnessing the devastation of your society and sending reports back to his government and the United Nations. You have been receiving aide in the form of food and
and water from American Foreign Aide Organizations and you have hope that this American can make a difference in your world by telling the world what he has seen...AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN..
IT HAS BEEN TEN YEARS...AND NO FOREIGN AIDE HAS ARRIVED nor MADE AN AGGRESSIVE ATTEMPT to STOP THE GENOCIDE OF THE PEOPLE OF DARFUR...
Instead...it has taken this many years for the International governments to DETERMINE...if INDEED, it is GENOCIDE....Well, yes, FINALLY, in 2002, IT WAS DEFINED AS GENOCIDE by the United Nations, the United States, and the International Criminal Court....AND NOW...
IMAGINE...IF U CAN...(In all this time)
NO COUNTRY or ALLIED GROUP HAS MADE IT THEIR RESPONSIBILITY TO STOP IT...
My question is...WHO SHOULD STOP THE GENOCIDE......HITLER'S GHOST??????????????
….......PLEASE WATCH...”The Devil Came on Horseback”...
…...........PLEASE GO TO www.savedarfur.com...
…................PLEASE HELP...ONE CIVILIAN PERSON AT A TIME...SINCE....NO GOVERNMENT WILL...
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Peace for darfur
Yet another article I've read that really makes me question the notion of "Save Darfur"...which when you think about it does it even make sense? Save Darfur? Save the "Land of the Fur"? Who are we saving and do you really think you can tell a "fur" from an "Arab" I was there, and if you think you can...you're fooling yourself. (Unless you know those trible cuts they do) If you said a Dinka & Northern Sudanese...okay. Anyway...article after the drop...
----------
"We Saw No Evidence of Genocide"
Women in Darfur
By AFSHIN RATTANSI
George Clooney, Matt Damon, Scarlett Johansson, Cindy Crawford, Bono, Michael Caine, Claudia Schiffer, Bob Geldof, Hugh Grant, Mia Farrow, Mick Jagger and so many others have expressed their solidarity with the people of the oil-rich region of Darfur. A few weeks ago, Democrats John Lewis of Georgia, Keith Ellison of Minnesota, Lynn Woolsey of California, Donna Edwards of Maryland, and Jim McGovern of Massachusetts were all arrested as they demonstrated against the Sudanese government. When Colin Powell used the word genocide in 2004, it kicked off $1 billion-a-year international aid program, much higher than that afforded Somalia or Congo.
But why?
In the past few months, the International Criminal Court has charged Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir with crimes against humanity and war crimes. The ICC's chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo is appealing the setting aside of genocide charges, claiming that there is "ongoing genocide" in Darfur. The Sudanese government has expelled some foreign aid groups, accusing them of espionage. They include Oxfam, Save the Children and Medecins Sans Frontieres. According to the Save Darfur Campaign, it was the relief organizations that provided clean water, food, and medical attention to roughly 1.5 million people. The Sudanese government claims these aid-agencies deliberately exclude Arab Darfuris in their ranks, exacerbating sectarian tensions.
And at the moment, President Obama's Special Envoy to Sudan, Scott Gration is on a diplomatic tour and Britain is sending $185m in aid and $140m in "peacekeeping" money.
Collette Valentine, a TV producer visiting from the United Kingdom, and Ali Gunn, a British media consultant, last week returned from Darfur where they attended the first "International Conference on the Challenge Facing Women in Darfur" in Al-Fasher in the north. Valentine says that articles about Darfur in the international press make her feel as if she visited a completely different region, a completely different country. It all adds weight to the thesis of Columbia University's Professor Mahmood Mamdani that there is something very murky about Western aid agencies' insistence that there has been genocide in Darfur, that at the heart of campaigns for Darfur is the culmination of a powerful, imperial desire to suppress citizenry from U.S. high school classrooms to right across the developing world.
Afshin Rattansi: Tell me about your visit and how your experience differed to the portrayal in the corporate media. I understand you went at the invitation of Rajaa Hassan Khalifa from the largest women's union in conjunction with Bakri O.Saeed from Sudan International University.
Collette Valentine: Ali Gunn and myself and a group of journalists were lucky enough to be invited to Sudan by the Sudanese Women General Union. The women's union in Sudan has got 27,000 branches all over Sudan, including Darfur. They have representatives in all the rural villages, across all different communities consisting of around 80 tribes and clans. The women of Sudan are a real force. Historically, there have been female leaders. They are wives, mothers, farmers, they build, they grow the vegetables and basically run the communities and are respected by their men folk. A third of families in the camps are headed by women. In recent years, some members of the women's union have been elected as ministers in the Sudanese government and a quarter of the seats in the Sudanese parliament are occupied by women.
They are all members of the union and they have direct links right down from the most educated academic women from the professional classes to grassroots people. This chain of open communication is active and alive from bottom to top and top to bottom. Because the women have such a strong role in the communities, the women themselves have decided to take action for peace and security in Darfur. They have seen the failure of external, international agencies and NGOs and they know that peace can only come from within their own communities via reconciliation talks.
The IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) in the refugee camps are people who have fled trouble in their own areas of Sudan. They didn't want to leave but had no option but to flee. Before the international NGOs got involved, the IDPs were provided with camps by Al-Bashir's government, provided with wells, administrators, bureaucratic structures, materials for shelter and local doctors, clinics, and health services paid for by the Sudanese government.
When women fled their villages, active male rebels from every community that were fighting each other remained. Those conflicts rage on even as there is peace and stability in the camps. We saw no evidence of any genocide. We were not embedded by the government nor with any NGO. We had absolute freedom to talk with whomever we wished. And we randomly talked to as many men, women and children as we could.
One man, a village leader who led 4,000 of his community , separated in two camps, said he had been there six years. His home was 50km away. We asked about genocide and he said that he wouldn't have remained in the Sudanese government camps for six years if he hadn't been looked after. When we asked about the issue of rape, he did not deny there wasn't an issue. The women we spoke to said that unfortunately, rape exists everywhere in the world and some we spoke to quoted statistics about the prevalence of rape in the U.S. and how in developed nations, women are too frightened to press charges. One woman told me that allegations of wide and systematic rape crimes against Darfur women constitute a type of war against Sudan. Historically, in areas of conflict, they maintained, cases of crime and rape are bound to increase. Rape is not a weapon of the government and women are being told to report instances of rape. But the ICC is using the prevalence of rape and giving it undue importance, helping NGOs fill their coffers.
Afshin Rattansi: Were you concerned about safety in Darfur?
Ali Gunn: I understood the situation had settled and that there was quite a lot of fighting down south but that the situation in Darfur was more stable since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. However, I had been warned off by expert security consultants who feared for my safety.
We went to two camps in Darfur and we saw people eeking out a simple existence. No bullet holes, no tanks and no fighting. The only military vehicles belonged to the United Nations. We were given carte blanche to wander around the camps as we pleased and talk to anyone we liked. Many spoke English. I was appalled that so much reporting in our newspapers has no basis in reality. Cheap and lazy journalism at its worst.
Afshin Rattansi: What about the United Nations' presence on the ground?
Collette Valentine: When we were actually in one of the two camps, we looked up and saw an American tank approaching, followed by a patrol of around 15 UN vans and two more tanks. They drove up, parked the cars outside the office of the administrator of the camp. We didn't know what was happening.
We were told that three times day, this happens at the camp and that UN officials come to ask whether everything is alright. Women told us that the camps are peaceful places. While we played football with children in the camp at around 9am, men and women setting out market stalls selling tomatoes and oranges, and as the UN personnel talked to the administrator, the soldiers lined up with guns, five meters apart facing us and the rest of the people in the camps.
It was obvious that the soldiers were protecting UN bosses whilst we kicked a football with the children. It was extraordinary. Women were making yoghurt with goat's milk even as the UN troops pointed their guns at us. I asked one of the women, Maha Feraigon, why guns were being aimed and whether they were scared that we might throw a tomato at them and she just laughed. As Ali says, quite a few people could speak English. Maha was first assistant to the Secretary General of the Sudanese Women General Union, independent of the government. All the people we spoke to were furious about UN personnel arriving in this way and wanted the UN to leave. The UN personnel left their engines running and people resented how much that money for the UN was being wasted in front of their eyes. They asked about what they could be doing with the money. I was disgusted. They asked why these personnel were not in the villages where the fighting continues and their 'dar' or land was. People said that NGOs did not want the fighting to stop so that they can continue to be paid. None had seen any money from the Save Darfur campaign and they resented that money was being raised in their names.
Ali Gunn: At the conference, we spoke to opposition leaders and women at the conference. There was no sense of urgency about any "genocide" in the camps themselves. Our concern for our trip was to look at the living conditions of the people in the camps and look at the future of Darfur and the future for families there. And there was very little evidence of external aid. Darfur is the size of France so we didn't go to all the camps. We have photographic evidence of families and women making their own bricks. You would have to ask the aid agencies about where their money has been sent.
Afshin Rattansi: What about how the Sudanese perceive outside, external forces?
Collette Valentine: I was lucky enough to sit beside Mafa on the flight from Khartoum to Darfur. I emphasize that she has no connection to any NGO or the government. She spoke very good English and explained the anger of the people. Her general feeling, having been all over Darfur, speaking to women at all levels from all communities throughout the region was that they did not want foreign interference because they know that it is all about oil and water - the "oil of tomorrow".
She told me about how Sudan was sitting on the biggest underwater lake in Africa giving rise to the best arable land. Despite the desertification, responsible for so many of the deaths in recent years, the lake holds great promise. She told me about how Chevron was thrown out of the country and how Chevron executives took all their drilling and exploration maps with them. They still believe that the NGOs in concert with the U.S. are only involved because of water and oil. She pointed to Congo, Sierra Leone and other African countries, firmly believing that there were no good intentions when it comes to great power involvement on the continent.
Afshin Rattansi: Not a day goes by without the word genocide being used when Darfur is in the corporate media.
Ali Gunn: The Western media has totally misrepresented the situation subsequent to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. In Darfur, they are desperate for long term measures to alleviate the cycle of non-delivery in Darfur. Some believed that there were a significant number of people who would never return to their homeland areas.
Living conditions in the camps were spartan but clean and people were very aware of their personal space. There was a market with a butcher, vegetable-sellers, a makeshift restaurant…many different rows of shops. It was very much like a souk you would see in any country of this type, with domestic goods on sale. The people we saw were not starving and pretty healthy.
Afshin Rattansi: Do you see money from oil being used for the benefit of the people?
Collette Valentine: Oil is all-important for Sudan and is vital to the infrastructure-building plans of the country. They are planning schools and health centers. Free medical care is available to everybody but not every village has a clinic so people have to travel to the next village. There is a lot of work to be done in Sudan. This is not a bed of roses, by any means but only oil money is going to be able to change things. I saw in Khartoum how development is beginning. They have big plans for the areas around the Blue Nile in Khartoum and it looks to me like Pudong in Shanghai where I made some documentaries when it was developing, a decade ago.
Maha told me that there was a rail system in Sudan that you could time your watch by but U.S. sanctions starting in the 1990s destroyed it as parts to fix trains and tracks dried up. Sanctions prevented people being able to travel. But, now the Sudanese government has done a deal with the Chinese who they feel are completely different to the Americans. I was told that Chinese involvement was trusted where the U.S. wasn't. The Chinese are not interested in hegemonic power. I could see the development present in Khartoum. When I later met the president, he said that growth should be across Sudan and not just limited to an elite in Khartoum. The work is in progress and the president's popularity has gone through the roof after the ICC indictments.
Afshin Rattansi: What about signs of corruption?
Ali Gunn: People had told us the President was a humble and modest man and he certainly seemed like that in person. I was very wary of signs of corruption and wealth. The palace looked like any municipal building in a developing nation. The furniture was all very normal. We were told that he was a modest man who had come up the ranks of the army and as such was possibly less concerned about the ICC than about rebuilding his nation. He is much more popular after the ICC indictments.
There was a feeling that the country has been picked on in comparison to what has been happening in surrounding nations. I saw that people were being actively encouraged to vote. I mentioned that I work in the British parliament and stressed the need for people to register to vote and there was certainly no problem in people understanding the importance of voting.
Like people in Britain, many of the people we spoke to had a healthy skepticism about politicians per se. But they did believe that the next elections would be free and fair.
Collette Valentine: The president knew that the conference was taking place but he had no knowledge of which camps we were visiting. The women were careful not to tell him because they were aware that we were looking for any signs that we were being embedded in any way.
Afshin Rattansi: And the perception is that the ICC has aided the president of Sudan?
Collette Valentine: On the night before we left, we met with President Al-Bashir and his advisor, Dr Ghazi Salahuddin Atabani. Everything they said backed up what we heard on the ground. He admitted that the ICC has aided his reelection chances. He admitted that rape was present in Darfur but he blamed outside aid agencies for putting petrol on the fire and he highlighted the external supply of arms. He also blamed the classic British divide-and-rule tactics of colonialism for the roots of trouble in Sudan. Attabani said "Sudan is politically isolated and that when the ICC indictment was first raised 4 years ago the president offered to step aside, to abdicate - he said 16 years was too long. Our policy in that the National Congress Party (NCP) is that we don't believe in a' president for life.' The made him look like a villain but internally it boosted his popularity. .. now the NCP can't consider any other candidate."
From my experience of seeing western leaders in London, there is a cavalcade of security. Al Bashir when he goes from his house to local weddings, funerals and the mosque, seems to have no security at all. One of our delegates went to the mosque and was baffled by the lack of security on seeing him there.
Afshin Rattansi: What about what the president of Sudan expects from the change of administration in Washington?
Ali Gunn: We were attacked about international media coverage of Darfur as the people saw the situation very different to how it is portrayed. They saw the West as patronizing the Sudanese people. On Obama, President Al-Bashir said "He's much more pragmatic. The old guard from Clinton's days are still around - in the 90s they were hostile..they've not changed, but they have toned down their rhetoric…we believe that the US has been exploited by certain undercurrents ." I would suggest that people go and see for themselves what is happening.
Collette Valentine: Dr. Ghazi said that they are hopeful about Obama but they don't trust the Clinton people, the Susan Rices and Samantha Powers. Continuation of the ICC path would be seen as vindictive and alien and could result in turning Darfur into a real conflict.
The women in the camps are focused on talking to their men and they believe that the only hope for peace and reconciliation lies with their ability to encourage forgiveness. They believe no international organizations can persuade the men to reconcile with each other. Before this conflict happened, tribal elders would meet to settle conflicts between nomadic and peasant communities. Right across Darfur, women are campaigning on the ground for reconciliation talks. This was the first peace conference. All the women from all the communities are coming together to urge reconciliation talks with women from each community given their time to speak. Security was on top of the agenda as well as education and healthcare.
Ali Gunn: After we came back from the camps, we were both shocked about the disparity of what was happening on the ground and what was in the media.
Afshin Rattansi has helped launch and develop television networks and has worked in journalism for more than two decades, at the BBC Today programme, CNN International, Bloomberg News, Al Jazeera Arabic, the Dubai Business Channel, Press TV and The Guardian. His quartet of novels, "The Dream of the Decade" is available on Amazon.com. He can be reached at afshin@afshinrattansi.com
Civilians in eastern Congo, particularly women and girls, are targets of conscience-shocking brutality and sexual violence. Every day, they face a harrowing array of threats from armed militias, the military, and even the police who are supposed to protect them. Understanding the reasons why life has become so dangerous for women in eastern Congo is an essential first step in helping to end the violence and create a more hopeful future.
1. Predatory security forces
"It is more dangerous to be a woman than to be a soldier right now."
Major General Patrick Cammaert, former UN Deputy Force Commander, describing the situation in eastern Congo, May 2008
Any state's most basic responsibility is to provide security for its citizens. However, the Congolese military is notoriously corrupt and undisciplined. Soldiers themselves live in appalling conditions, are frequently unpaid, and often resort to looting or petty theft to "pay themselves." The army is guilty of widespread abuses of the people they are supposed to protect, and soldiers often view attacking women as a 'benefit" of carrying a gun for the state.
2. Lawless militias
"This violence was designed to exterminate the population."
Louise Nzigire, social worker at Panzi Hospital in Bukavu, spring 2005
A complex and confusing assortment of illegal armed militias operate in eastern Congo. Some are purely criminal, some are loosely political in their goals, and many of them have links back to neighboring states. The Rwandan rebel group called the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or FDLR, has ties to the 1994 Rwanda genocide and now commits atrocities against Congolese civilians, including appalling acts of sexual violence. The vast majority of civilians in eastern Congo fear militias more than anything else. Militia members often forcibly take local "wives," coerce landowners to conduct menial labor, and steal harvests from local farmers. Militias have been all too eager to use rape and other forms of violence as tools to intimidate and suppress the local population.
3. A culture of impunity
"In Congo, if someone starts an armed group or kills people, they have a better chance of becoming a senior minister or a general than being put behind bars."
Anneke Van Woudenberg, Human Rights Watch, January 2008
In Congo, law enforcement as we know it is nonexistent, and access to justice is extremely deficient. For most women in the Congo, going to the police with a complaint about a crime is almost unthinkable, and most women fear that if they go to a police station they will be subjected to rape, other forms of violence, or theft. For the few women and young girls who do get the opportunity to publicly identify their rapists, prosecutions are slow to nonexistent, and reprisal attacks against the victim and/or her family are common. Perpetrators thrown into jail are often able to simply pay guards for their release or, in some cases, break through the prison walls and walk away.
4. The resource curse
"We are cursed because of our gold. All we do is suffer. There is no benefit to us."
Congolese gold miner, June 2005
The scramble to exploit the Democratic Republic of the Congo's vast natural resources has been the principal driver of atrocities and conflict throughout Congo's tortured history. In eastern Congo today, resources are financing multiple armed groups that target the local population. Many of these armed groups use rape as a deliberate tactic to drive the local population away from mines and other areas that they wish to control. The twisted logic: terrorize the women first and everyone else will stay away.
5. Poverty
"My job is to beg."
Congolese woman, November 2003
Instability and grinding poverty in the Congo have created a stagnant economy, and few companies are willing to invest in this central African nation. The international companies who have invested in the Congo are primarily interested in the resource-extraction sector, which at best does little to help local people and at worst fuels competition and conflict between armed groups. Years of economic decline and conflict have acutely affected women, many of whom have become widows and have been forced to find ways--including begging and prostitution-- to support their families. As women are the primary caretakers of the family, they must often venture outside of safe zones to collect water or firewood, which puts them at greater risk of attack. With many men killed or driven away from their families, women not only lose an important source of income and protection for their families--they have to care for children and try to earn money with no social safety net. The ability to rely on extended families for support and comfort has also often been shattered by dislocation, violence, and chaos.
6. A collapsed health care system
"I was not trained as a gynecologist, but I am being trained on the job, because the need at the hospital is so large. The Congolese government does not provide our hospital with any resources."
Dr. Roger Luhiriri, Panzi Hospital, Buvaku, South Kivu, September 2008
Another consequence of the prolonged conflict is an outright collapse of the Congolese health care system. Tens of thousands of women have survived rape and sexual violence, but the Congolese government is unable to provide adequate medical services, rehabilitation programs, or psychological counseling. This means that women have a very difficult time surviving the physical scars of sexual violence, much less addressing the psychological ones. Furthermore, lack of adequate medical care to prevent and treat diseases such as cholera and malaria further add to the insurmountable daily struggles and dangers faced by Congolese women and their children.
7. Internal displacement
"It would be much too dangerous [to return home]. Battles continue to rage there. But we're really not proud of having to stay here."
Josephine, a Congolese woman who has been driven from her home and now lives in a camp for displaced people, June 2008
More than 1.3 million Congolese have been driven from their homes, or "displaced," in eastern Congo. Throughout the conflict, rape has been used as a weapon to force communities to flee their homes. Now, huge populations live in poorly protected camps, where they are vulnerable to attacks by militias and Congolese security forces. Although humanitarian organizations provide life-saving supplies and care to the camps, it is often almost impossible for families to earn a living or properly care for their children in such settings.
8. A failing education system
"Out of more than 4.4 million children who are not in school in the Congo, 2.5 million of these children are girls… The violence, the poverty, the culture - there are many reasons why children are not going to school."
UNICEF, 2008
The school system in Congo is extremely weak: School enrollment rates, from primary school through university, have dropped significantly since the onset of the conflict. It is difficult for uneducated women in eastern Congo to know and defend their rights. It also been proven again and again that investments in basic education for girls have some of the very best returns of all development programs. Girls that have at least a basic education are more economically productive, have smaller and better cared for families, and are more likely to be active in their communities.
9. Gender inequality and cultural barriers
"Women had very few rights. They are not perceived as equal citizens. I think what […] these atrocities have done is to have, bizarrely, normalized rape. So now it's not just the Congolese army and the factions that are raping the women; now it's becoming normalized. Domestic rape and domestic battery has wildly increased in families."
Eve Ensler, founder of V-Day, September 2007
Ongoing political and economic insecurity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have further eroded the status of women in society. Women in the Congo are often treated as little more than private property, and they are often denied access to health care, property, education, and information.
10. Inaction
"It's shameful that soldiers anywhere are allowed to [commit atrocities such as rape against civilians]. That's why I want to be president. I want to change this. I want to make security one of my first priorities so that these and other acts come to an end once and for all."
President Joseph Kabila, before he won the national elections and became Congo's first democratically elected president since independence, June 2006
The Congolese Government and the international community have failed to act to end the suffering of Congolese women. In spite of the promises President Kabila made over two years ago and the presence of the world's largest United Nations peacekeeping force, armed groups continue to target civilians in eastern Congo. If the next president of the United States makes ending violence against women and girls in eastern Congo a priority at the beginning of the new administration, the Congo could have a real chance at peace. The United States should seize this opportunity to play a leading role in ending this violence and ensuring that Congolese women can once again feel safe in their own communities.
On Saturday June 13, 2009, Let us be in corporate prayer for the men, women, and children of Darfur and all of Africa. May we seek God to bring healing and justice to those being treated so horribly. May we stand in the gap for those that need our help. Lord have mercy on us all.
Hello, my name is Alisha. Me and my friends, Christine, Jasmine and Samie were really touched by the video, THE RIVERS. And so we decided we definitely should help! It was our calling! That's how we began to take action. Actually we have been planning to help ever since last semester, but we wanted it to be a freshman thing. It didn't last very long...couple of our classmates weren't that enthusiastic. And so now it just turned out to be a group thing. Yep! But I'm really proud of us. Right after we watched the video, we started brainstorming ideas of ways to help. This is our third day and we have already written a letter to Congressman Mike Thompson, Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein, made and a flyer, a poster, planned a presentation and a bake sale that we are going to do this weekend(Memorial weekend). oh ya! and made a website on savedarfur.com. Very, very exciting! I hope we keep it up. We feel like our lives are a lot more meaningful. It makes us extremely happy. Hahaahaa...=D Thanks for reading!
Women for Women is an amazing organization that provides monetary, as well as emotional support for these devastated women. They help build self-esteem. They empower these women with job skills that can be just the beginning of an enormous snowball effect in their countries, and will give them the strength to push forward!
Link to sponsor one of these amazing women:
https://mywomenforwomen.org/donation/sponsor-a-woman.php?wfw=webgenSP
Link to You Tube video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r4PXCp0iPbA
The Democratic Republic of the Congo: A short timeline
1880s
King Leopold II of Belgium establishes the "Congo Free State" as his personal colony, and ruthlessly exploits its vast natural resources through slave labor.
1908
Congo is annexed by Belgium.
1960
Congo gains independence from Belgium.
1961
Congo's first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, is assassinated.
1965
Mobutu Sese Seko takes power in a military coup. Mobutu gets support from the West as an ally in the Cold War.
1991
As the Cold War ends, Mobuto faces strong pressure to democratize and international donors cut off funding to his regime
1994
Genocide in Rwanda kills at least 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The perpetrators of the genocide flee to Congo, where Mobutu allows them to launch attacks from Congo back into Rwanda.
1996
Uganda and Rwanda invade Congo and support Congolese rebels in war against Mobutu's government.
1997
Congolese rebel leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila ousts Mobutu and assumes control of the country.
1998
After Kabila purges Rwandan elements from his government, Rwanda and Uganda re-invade Congo and set up proxy Congolese rebel groups. Zimbabwe, Angola, and Namibia intervene to support Kabila and loot Congo's natural resources. Conflict is dubbed "Africa's World War."
1999
A ceasefire is signed in Lusaka in July, but fighting continues. A U.N. peacekeeping force, MONUC, deploys to the Congo.
2001
President Kabila is assassinated and replaced by his son, Joseph Kabila.
2002
A peace agreement signed in South Africa leads to the withdrawal of most foreign troops, but several militias continue to fight in eastern Congo.
2006
Joseph Kabila becomes Congo's first democratically-elected president since independence.
2008
After a botched offensive, Kabila signs a ceasefire with rebel militias in the East. Fighting and atrocities persist, with thousands more people forced to flee their homes.
Jewish World Watch Walk for Darfur
Sunday, May 17 2:30p to 4:00p
The Orange County Walk for Darfur will be held Sunday, May 17 at Mile Square Park. This is not a fundraiser; it's an awareness walk. Please bring posters and signs to make the community aware of the worsening crisis in Darfur, Chad, the Central African Republic and the Congo. Meet behind the park's recreation center at 2:30.
For more information please visit: www.jww.org