Despite calls from a host of human rights activists, including the Save Darfur Coalition, President Bush today decided to ignore China's relationship with Sudan's genocidal government and attend the opening ceremonies of the 2008 Olympics in Beijing. Jerry Fowler, president of the Save Darfur Coalition, expressed his deep disappointment with the decision, adding, "We suspect he’s disappointed too because he carefully timed the announcement for late in the day before a holiday weekend."

Fowler's complete statement is available here. 

When Niemat Ahmadi speaks about Darfur, people listen. On Tuesday, she spoke to leading international diplomats during a special session of the U.N. Security Council.

Ahmadi, a women's rights activist and Save Darfur Coalition employee, spoke for millions of Darfuris who live in circumstances that one Belgium diplomat called "worse than hell."

U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Richard Williamson's declared that the U.N. "has failed" Darfur. Niemat voiced the ramifications of such failure.

The U.N.'s impotence has "further emboldened the Sudanese Government to expand its attacks on Darfuris to Khartoum itself," she said.

Niemat told the story of "Adam," a Darfuri man living in Khartoum who was beaten by Sudanese officials for his identity. Adam watched others die at the hand of Khartoum's indiscriminate campaign of terror.

The full text of Niemat's prepared statement follows:

My name is Niemat Ahmadi and I am the Darfuri Liaison Officer at the Save Darfur Coalition (SDC). Thank you for allowing me to share with you today two alarming trends that continue to threaten the lives of Darfuri civilians in Khartoum and Darfur. The first is another government offensive against not just rebels but also helpless civilians as the war in Darfur enters its sixth year. The second is the continuing and wide-ranging incommunicado detention of an unknown but large number of Darfuris and others mistaken for Darfuris in response to the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebel attack on the capital on May 11.

As you know, the war has displaced well over 100,000 civilians just since the beginning of this year-that's nearly a thousand a day-many for a second or third time, as the Secretary-General told the Council on April 4th of this year. They are added to the over 2.5 million displaced in Darfur and eastern Chad as well as the hundreds of thousands who have been killed. The recent attack on the defenseless village of Shigeg Karo in North Darfur, which resulted in the deaths of six children, illustrates that the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) in its current state is not capable of satisfactorily fulfilling its mandate. Some wounded civilians who survived the attack reportedly had to drive themselves to distant hospitals, as UNAMID and International Committee of the Red Cross personnel did not arrive at the village until 48 hours after the attack.

Today, untold thousands of Darfuris, and other citizens from the south and elsewhere who were mistaken for Darfuri because of their appearance, are being held incommunicado and under horrific conditions. I hold in my hand today testimony from men and boys, some as young as 14, who have been brutalized and in some cases killed for one reason: their appearance.

Because of the time allotted to me, I will share with you just a brief portion of one such tragic case in the voice of its victim who has since been released. Untold numbers remain under those conditions as I speak to you right now. I have changed the names of all the individuals to protect their identity. "Adam" is 25 and is a steelworker who is Masalit. He has lived in the capital for some time.

"They bound us with ropes and loaded us onto two trucks and headed to the police station at al-Shigla [a residential area in Omdurman]...they brought a boy into the room...he was about 14 years old or maybe 15. He was being led by policemen who were hitting him and ordering him to "point at the ones that are part of your group, or any person that you recognize." When he said that he didn't know any of us, they all started beating him ferociously. Then they tried again. This time he chose me and my colleague "Ismail" and another guy who is a southerner-who also works with me for the same company and pointed at us. The guards then tied us back up with the ropes and proceeded to punch and kick us and beat us with black water hoses. Each of us was getting pummeled by four guards. There were also two officers who were sitting and watching the entire episode unfold. The officers kept telling us to confess as we were getting beaten. They told us to confess and to not be afraid, because they were going to do us no harm. They told us to confess so that we'd be able to go home. They told us to confess that we were with "those people" [meaning JEM]. I pleaded with them-telling them that I didn't know JEM people. They insisted that there was no need for torture and all I had to do was admit to what "I had done," so that I could go back home. They continued to beat me and at that point, a colleague of mine called "Abdel Hafiz" told them that he, "Ismail", the southern guy, and me had all been working at the same location that day and that we were in no way affiliated with any group. At this point they stopped beating me and turned their attention to him... [later on] they released all of us into a courtyard and gave each person two loaves of bread, some lentils and a small cut-off bottle of water...(This is after 21 hours of thirst in the hot weather of Sudan at this time of year). This is what we received each day for the next four days...I personally witnessed three deaths with my own eyes. The first was a man from Zalingi who worked as a water carrier in the Libya market [a market in an area of Omdurman, occupied primarily by Darfuris and others from western Sudan]. He was begging the guards for water, and they kicked him and spit in his face. He protested being spit at and they kicked him in the stomach until he died. Another man was found lying dead in the big room we were being held in. I think he died of thirst. A third man died when he drank so much water [out of a barrel the guards had brought later]...after nearly an entire day without any water and just collapsed on the spot.

This is just one story of many we have collected. "Adam" remained in captivity for well over a week before he was released. Others remain. The testimonies you are hearing today attest to the gravity of your responsibility. Whether "Adam" and thousands of others live or die will be affected by the choices you make today. For their sake, I hope you make the right decisions.

As described in the just released report by SDC and the Enough Project, the failures so far emphasize the need for this Council to ensure that all the necessary resources required for UNAMID deployment be immediately provided and that sanctions be placed on those Sudanese government officials responsible for obstructing deployment. There is no good reason that UNAMID still does not have the helicopters, trucks, or personnel that it requires to have an even minimal impact on the ground.

The continued failure to fully deploy UNAMID has further emboldened the Sudanese Government to expand its attacks on Darfuris to Khartoum itself.

Thank you.

 

 

 

Grassroots activists have long pressured mutual fund companies to use their money and influence to help end genocide. Another crucial group is now joining these activists - the companies' own shareholders.

Shareholders in several mutual fund companies have introduced resolutions regarding genocide. Sixty-six shareholder resolutions have been introduced in 12 firms. Some require companies to push the Sudanese government to end its atrocities. Others require them to divest completely from any company that works with Khartoum. They all work towards one goal: to pressure the government of Sudan to end its assault on its own people.

U.S. mutual fund companies have been hearing these messages for more than a year. In 2007, during the Divest for Darfur campaign, more than 200,000 people called on Franklin Templeton, JPMorgan Chase, Fidelity Investments, Capital Group (American Funds), Vanguard, and other firms to divest from companies that help fund genocide in Darfur. Activists took to the streets in Chicago, Washington D.C., New York, Seattle, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, San Francisco and cities across the country.

Now, the Save Darfur Coalition’s partner organizations are continuing to work the inside track through shareholder resolutions.

A network of human rights advocates and fund managers formed late last year, including Amnesty International USA, the Genocide Intervention Network, and the Calvert Group. This network has submitted resolutions to several mutual fund companies requiring them to adopt policies regarding genocide and mass atrocities. Specifically, they are asking mutual funds to pressure four oil companies – China National Petroleum Corporation, Malaysia’s Petronas, Oil and Natural Gas Corp Ltd of India and China’s Sinopec Corp – that work with the Sudanese government to make sure they are not complicit in genocide.

Another partner organization, Investors Against Genocide, has submitted resolutions to stop Fidelity from investing any money in companies that contribute to genocide. Shareholders can vote on the resolutions until June 18. Individuals who own shares in the affected mutual funds can vote in favor of the resolution they receive in the mail. So far, these resolutions have received an incredible amount of support, and we are optimistic that this support will force Fidelity to take action.

As the votes on such resolutions continue to come in, mutual fund companies face increasing pressure to take a stand against genocide. They have heard it on the streets, on the phones, in letters, and on petitions, ads and flyers. Now, through the work of these organizations and concerned shareholders, they are hearing the message from their own customers: genocide simply cannot remain business as usual.

To get involved in either campaign, please visit our partners’ websites. For information on Fidelity, please visit Investors Against Genocide. For more information on the coalition of human rights groups and fund managers, please visit Amnesty International.

The statement itself follows the post. Click here to see a video of the candidates speaking about their positions on the Darfur genocide. Click here to send your thanks to the candidates.

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As we campaign for President of the United States over the next several months, we expect there to be significant focus on the many differences between us. After all, elections are about choices in a free society. We have had a spirited contest so far and fully expect a robust debate about issues foreign and domestic right up to Election Day.

As we engage in this process, we are fully aware that friend and foe around the globe are watching and sometimes reacting based on their own analysis of the latest developments in the campaign.

It is with this awareness that we are taking the uncommon step of issuing a joint statement about an issue.

After more than five years of genocide, the Sudanese government and its proxies continue to commit atrocities against civilians in Darfur. This is unacceptable to the American people and to the world community.

We deplore all violence against the people of Darfur. There can be no doubt that the Sudanese government is chiefly responsible for the violence and is able to end it. We condemn the Sudanese government’s consistent efforts to undermine peace and security, including its repeated attacks against its own people and the multiple barriers it has put up to the swift and effective deployment of the United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force. We further condemn the Sudanese government’s refusal to adhere to the terms of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the conflict in southern Sudan.

Today, we wish to make clear to the Sudanese government that on this moral issue of tremendous importance, there is no divide between us. We stand united and demand that the genocide and violence in Darfur be brought to an end and that the CPA be fully implemented. Even as we campaign for the presidency, we will use our standing as Senators to press for the steps needed to ensure that the United States honors, in practice and in deed, its commitment to the cause of peace and protection of Darfur’s innocent citizenry. We will continue to keep a close watch on events in Sudan and speak out for its marginalized peoples. It would be a huge mistake for the Khartoum regime to think that it will benefit by running out the clock on the Bush Administration. If peace and security for the people of Sudan are not in place when one of us is inaugurated as President on January 20, 2009, we pledge that the next Administration will pursue these goals with unstinting resolve.

Save Darfur Coalition president Jerry Fowler today issued a statement after Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir signaled new attacks in Darfur and after new clashes between al-Bashir’s military and former southern rebels in the flashpoint town of Abyei.

The statement asks members of the U.N. Security Council to make clear that there will be real consequences for all parties that attack civilians. It also urges the international community to intensify deployment of UNAMID peacekeepers and to launch a sustainable, just, and inclusive peace process.

Read the full statement

This document summarizes accounts received as of Monday, May 18, 2008. Darfuris living in the United States and across the world are reporting grim accounts of a systematic program of reprisals and retaliations conducted by the government of Sudan against Darfuris living in Khartoum. In the aftermath of the May 10 attacks by the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) on the capital, Darfuris living in the capital and the suburb of Omdurman are sharing further details about a series of human rights violations. The government of Sudan’s extrajudicial operations appear to be aimed at the Darfuri community at large in Khartoum and the surrounding areas and do not target only individuals affiliated with the JEM attack. Given the government’s poor human rights record and pattern of indiscriminate use of force against civilian populations during the ongoing genocide in Darfur, sources and analysts fear that the reports of these operations could be only the tip of the iceberg. The harassment and detention of lawyers and journalists in Khartoum also raises serious concerns about the government’s attempt to conceal its operations.

Some of these reports have been confirmed by journalists and human rights agencies, while details of other abuses have been compiled by leaders in the diaspora in daily contact with sources on the ground. The human rights violations to date include accounts of widespread detentions and disappearances, summary executions, crackdowns on Darfuri journalists and lawyers, and the looting of Darfuri homes and businesses.

Widespread Detentions and Disappearances

Contacts on the ground began reporting indiscriminate round-ups, detentions, interrogations and torture of Darfuris immediately following the May 10 attacks. Human Rights Watch expressed concern on May 12 about the arrests of more than 100 supporters of the rebel movements or other political opponents of the regime.[1] Since then, the large-scale crackdown has expanded to include individuals not directly affiliated with the JEM attack.

Darfuris in Khartoum and Sudanese human rights organizations have begun collecting the names of those detained and those whom have disappeared in the last week. The Sudan Human Rights Organization released a list of 100 names arrested between May 11 and May 13 [2]. The Sudan Organization Against Torture (SOAT) also reports that individuals believed to be Darfuris are being specifically targeted by the National Intelligence and Security Service. SOAT also provided a list of 11 Darfuris detained in recent days – including Amin Mahmoud Osman (the brother of high-profile human rights activist and parliamentarian Salih Mahmoud Osman). [3]

Personal accounts from members of the diaspora confirm these reports and also claim that Darfuri university students have been specifically targeted and that security forces have made numerous arrests during raids of Darfuri stores and businesses in the Soug Libya (Libya Market) neighborhood in Omdurman. These raids took place as recently as May 16 in the areas of Soba in south Khartoum and Al-Hag Al-Yousif in north Khartoum.

Summary Executions

Diaspora leaders also allege that sources on the ground claim that the security forces have carried out summary executions of Darfuris over the last ten days. On May 15, it was reported that two Darfuri women were shot inside their homes by security forces conducting house-to-house searches. On May 13, the same source reported that security forces shot and killed a Darfuri college student, Mohamed Ahmed Ibrahim, on the streets of the Ombuddah area of Omdurman on account of nothing but his being of Darfuri origin.

In total, Save Darfur has received reports that up to 27 Darfuris have been executed from May 10 through May 13 – although these numbers cannot be confirmed.

Crackdown on Darfuri Journalists and Lawyers

Independent media in Khartoum and Darfuri journalists and lawyers have also been targeted for efforts to reveal the details and extent of these human rights violations. On May 15, Reuters reported that Sudanese authorities shut down the Arabic-language independent newspaper Alwaan for publishing details of the rebel attack on May 10. [4]

In addition to this step, Darfuri sources report that well-known Darfuri journalists have been detained and violently interrogated in Khartoum during the last week. These include Ismail Adam of Al-Sharq Al-Awsat’s office in Khartoum and Al-Ghali Shigaifat, Chairperson for the Darfuri Journalist Association. Other journalists attempting to visit individuals in hospitals in Omdurman recovering from injuries sustained during arrest and subsequent detention have been refused access to these individuals and threatened themselves by the police and security agents.

Darfur human rights defenders attempting to document the abuses of the last week have also been targeted. Most notably, Abdul Shakur Hashim Dirar Kaidanah – a well-known Darfuri lawyer – was arrested this week while at his office in Soug Libya (Libya Market) in Omdurman.

Homes and Stores Looted – Darfuris Afraid to Leave Homes

As part of the large-scale arrests campaign, security forces have raided Darfuri homes and stores. Some of these operations in the immediate days after the attacks have been part of the government’s search for Khalil Ibrahim, leader of JEM, and other rebel fighters purportedly hiding out in the city. Other operations, however, appear to be forms of collective punishment against people of Darfuri origin living in Khartoum and Omdurman. For example, on Tuesday May 13, Darfuri sources in the diaspora claim that security forces bulldozed 16 stores owned by Darfuris in Soug Libya (Libya Market) and 3 stores in El-Sough Al-Shaabi (Folks Market). These Darfuri sources also state that, in addition to widespread arrests, Darfuri men, women, and children were routinely beaten inside their homes during these raids.

As a result of the overall crackdown, many Darfuri families in Khartoum and Omdurman have not left their homes since the May 10 attacks.

Attack in North Darfur – and Rumors of More to Follow

Hearing reports of the crackdown and arrests in Khartoum, Darfuris remain fearful of new attacks in Darfur itself. On May 12, sources report that Janjaweed and government forces together attacked the town of Tawila. While there have been no other confirmed attacks in Darfur, multiple sources on the ground have witnessed a stepped-up mobilization of Janjaweed and security forces in North Darfur.

 

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1. "Mass Arrests After Rebel Attack Raise Concern Government Detains More Than 100 Opponents," Human Rights Watch: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/05/13/sudan18812.htm.
2. "Zagawa civilian detainees must be immediately released," Sudan Human Rights Organization 13 May 2008.
3. "Mass Arrests and Reports of Torture in Khartoum Following JEM Attacks," Sudan Organization Against Torture 15 May 2008.
4. "Sudan closes paper for publishing military details," Reuters 15 May 2008.

Mohamed Suleiman, a leader of the Darfuri community in the U.S., has been sending reports of violence in Sudan in the aftermath of the JEM attack in Khartoum. This is is his most recent report.

Dear All, -

It seems the regime got unwelcomed feedback from Human rights organizations, so it decided to zero more on Darfuri intellectuals and the educated ( students, lawyers, profesionals ). Inside activists said the Human Rights Watch Organization contacted them and will send a team ( if they get visas). We believe other organizations should follow suit ( Red Cross in particular).

- On 5/15/2008 during the cordon of Libya Market, The Security forces detained Human Rights Lawyer:

Abdul Shakur Hashim Dirar Kaidanah from his office inside Libya Market. Lawyer Abdulshajur is activist in human rights and very instrumental in protecting the rights of Darfuris especially in these days. He declared his volunteering in defending the detained Darfuris in the court of law.

- These are university students ,arrested on 5\14\2008 from their lodging in Omdorman\Ombadah Sabeel:

1. Hamed Idris Abdolrasool. Ahlia University .

2. Ibrahim Mohamd Suliman.

3. Fakhar Addin Haroon Mohamad. University of alnilin.

4. Motassam Khatir Bakhat.

5. Ali Abdollah Hassaballah.kordofan university.

The following their homes were looted and their mony and jewelries stolen by the Security Forces during the search and detention:

6. Kamal Dawood Yousif.

7. Abdolshakoor Hashim Dirar. Lawyer and SPLM member .

The following their whereabout is not known since their detention on 5\11\2008:

8. Hilal Suliman

9. Osman Mahmood

10. Azhary Mohamad Idris Hasan Fasher

11. Abdolrahim Adam

12. Ismail Adam Mohamad

13. Ahmad Suliman Ali Abdolrahman(from alhatanah,omdorman).

 

I will keep you posted.

Mohamed Suleiman

Mohamed Suleiman, a leader of the Darfuri community in the U.S., has been sending reports of violence in Sudan in the aftermath of the JEM attack in Khartoum.

Dear all,  -

At this moment ( Thursday May 15th ) Salah Gosh Security forces and Special Forces ( The Capital Troops) with huge amounts of vehicles and troops are surrounding the largest market in Omdurman that is known to have large stores owned by Darfuris : Market of Libya ( Soug Libya). They are detaining any Darfuri there: Store owners, customers, street sellers, passers-by .

• On Tuesday Security forces accompanied by Municipal Bulldozers erased : 16 stores in Soug Libya owned by Darfuris, 3 stores in Elsoug Alshaabi ( Folks Market) in Omdurman owned by Darfuris, arresting owners.
• Sources talk about three mass graves in : Dar Elsalam, Wadi Saiedna ( north of Omdurman), North of Algaili (North of Khartoum). Some sources said to be participants in digging these graves and asked to be not identified.
• Detention of students, boys , young men is stepped up sharply in the past 48 hours. More reports of disappeared.
• Even women are detained, at least two killed inside their homes separately in Ombudah, another one killed in the street in Omdurman when she tried to protect her brother from Security forces. She was shot at point blank on the face. All women are from Zaghawa tribe.

Here is report from BBC to give you sample of what is going on in Khartoum, Sudan.

 I will keep you posted

 Mohamed Suleiman

 

Mohamed Suleiman, a leader of the Darfuri community in the U.S., has been sending reports of violence in Sudan in the aftermath of the JEM attack in Khartoum.

Dear All,
Today Tuesday May 13th at around 1:00 pm the special forces ( Capital Troops) of Salah Gosh executed a Darfuri college student in the open on the spot, later they said his hair and skin color looked like those of the rebels. His body was riddled with bullets in front of people in Ombuddah, Omdurman. The security forces prevented condolences visits to his family home in Ombuddah, Omdurman.

Name of the victim: Mohamed Ahmed Ibrahim
Age: 24 years.
Occupation: Student at Omdurman Islamic University.
Residents : Ombuddah, Omdurman
Origin: Darfur, Nyala .

The Government of Sudan secured the support of Arab League on the JEM Attack. Egypt security forces started to detain Darfuris in Egyptian cities ( some JEM supporters and some just Darfuri students or refugees). Darfuris in Saudi Arabia and Arab Gulf Countries are in subdued mode and keeping low profile. This affected the flow of information from Khartoum to outside and from these countries. GoS send Security officials to Arab Countries to clamp down on Darfuri activists.

Will keep you posted.

 Mohamed Suleiman   

Violence escalated in Sudan this week as the Justice and Equality Movement, a Darfuri rebel group, launched attacks in and around Khartoum.

Mohamed Suleiman, a leader of the Darfuri community in the U.S., submitted the following initial report on the violence in Khartoum and its sister city, Omdurman.

The Save Darfur Coalition calls on all sides and the international community to safeguard civilians.

Dear All,

This is what is happening now:

1- At check points Darfurians (mainly from Zaghawa tribe) are dragged from busses and cars, beaten in public before shoved into security covered vehicles.

2- paramilitary and security forces went from house to house in darfuri predominant neighborhoods (Umbada, Fitaihab, Libiya Market in Omdurman), arrest male darfurians (mainly from Zaghawa tribe), beaten and kicked in front of their families and children, some are beaten by the end of assault rifles, then thrown on the back of security trucks and taken away (not known where).

 3- There were summary executions of Darfuris ( mainly Zaghawa) and this some of the numbers reached us up to now:

- 17 were executed in Umbada (Omdurman)
- 5 were executed in Libya Market (Omdurman).
- 3 were executed in Fitaihab (Omdurman).
- 2 were executed in Khartoum Stadium (Khartoum).

I get names of disappeared. I am trying to put updated list. I get calls from all over the world from Darfuris with relatives in Khartoum area - all night.

Update on Darfur:
The Government unleashed the Janjaweed in central Darfur. I got news that Tawila village and surrounding villages were burnt in a fresh attack ( revenge to Khartoum incident). Still waiting on number and names of casualties among the villagers.

I will keep you posted.

Mohamed Suleiman

The Sudanese government killed nearly a dozen Darfuri civilians on Sunday in the deadliest attack on Darfur in years. Sudanese bombs pounded the North Darfur village of Shegag Karo, including a school where six children died.

Meanwhile, the U.S. government is beginning to improve relations with Sudan. The two governments have commenced bilateral, confidence-building measures, including the release of Sudanese prisoners from Guantanamo Bay, and of U.S. government property from the Port of Sudan. Such measures are convenient for both parties: the Sudanese government scores a massive public relations victory in Sudan, and the U.S. government resumes construction on a new embassy in Khartoum.

But what about the people of Darfur?

If Sunday's attack is any indication, the Sudanese government feels that it can bomb Darfuri civilians without threatening its improving ties with the Bush Administration. And the Bush administration's lackluster response thus far appears to reinforce this perception. Ambassador Rich Williamson, U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan, is set to travel to Khartoum for a new round of negotiations on May 20 - a mere fifteen days after government planes bombed Shegag Karo. The proximity of the bombing to the resumption of Sudan-U.S. negotiations must not be lost on Ambassador Williamson when he meets the Sudanese.

Ambassador Williamson must make continued negotiations contingent on an immediate end to the Sudanese government's assault on civilians in Darfur. He should also push for an end to all military flights over Darfur (as required by Security Council Resolution 1591) for progress toward full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between North and South Sudan, and for the renewal of a just and inclusive Darfur peace process.

Finally, he must insist on an end to ongoing Sudanese obstruction of the UNAMID civilian protection force. UNAMID's response to the bombing of Shegag Karo was dismal, but this is not the fault of the peacekeepers. Donor nations must provide the resources necessary to carry out its mission, and the Sudanese government must allow UNAMID the freedom to do so.

There are many pressing issues with the Sudanese government in Khartoum. But when Ambassador Williamson meets with the Sudanese, he must keep in mind the victims of Shegag Karo and all those who continue to live in fear of the next devastating aerial attack.

Take action: Join our campaign to protect the people of Darfur.

 

By Ken Bacon, published on WorldBridge, a Refugees International Blog

“I am extremely disappointed at the lack of progress on all fronts in the efforts to address the situation in Darfur,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki moon said last week in his quarterly report to the Security Council on the deployment of the UN-African Union peacekeeping force (UNAMID).

“The parties appear determined to pursue a military solution; the political process [is] stalled; the deployment of UNAMID is progressing very slowly and continues to face many challenges; and the humanitarian situation is not improving.” In fact, the report notes that 60,000 additional people were displaced in the first three months of the year. It also details continuing rapes of women and girls and difficulty in getting humanitarian aid to large parts of Western Darfur.

The Darfur crisis, where an estimated 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million displaced, is now more than five years old. Despite efforts by President Bush, two heads of the UN, and a number of other world leaders, the crisis is no closer to resolution now than when it started. Indeed, what began as a fight between rebel groups in Darfur and Sudanese army and the deadly militias it arms to destroy villages, has now become a regional dispute, with increased fighting across the border between Chad and Sudan, Mr. Ban notes in his report.

Although ending the war in Darfur will never be easy, there are several moves the U.S. and other countries can take right now.

First, UNAMID continues to plea for helicopters and other necessary equipment. The U.S. should convene a Protect the People of Darfur conference and lead the world in producing the support the Darfur peacekeeping force needs. Second, that conference should take two other steps necessary to pressure both the government of Sudan and the fractious rebel groups to get to the peace table. The U.S. and its European and Middle Eastern allies should impose strict travel sanction on Sudanese government and rebel leaders until they reach a peace agreement. In addition, arms embargos on both the government and rebel groups should be closely enforced.

These two steps would help protect the people of Darfur, who are suffering while the world worries about what to do next.

Save Darfur urges Envoy Williamson to clarify position before Congress

Fowler: ‘Normalizing ties with Sudan should be very far off, particularly given that Secretary-General Ban just this week issued a dire report on the continued violence in Darfur'

WASHINGTON - The Save Darfur Coalition today reacted to a New York Times report suggesting that the Bush administration is considering normalizing diplomatic relations with the Sudanese government in exchange for minor concessions. Jerry Fowler, president of the coalition, urged Special Envoy Richard Williamson to clarify the administration's views on normalizing relations with the Sudanese government when he testifies before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee next week.

"Khartoum sets the gold standard for breaking international promises," Fowler said, "which is why previous discussions of normalization have foundered. The New York Times reported on Thursday that the U.S. is asking for additional visas for humanitarian workers and Sudanese consent to the inclusion of Thai and Nepalese units in a U.N.-African Union civilian protection force, while the Sudanese government is pushing in return for broad concessions, including full normalization of relations and U.S. support for its admission to the World Trade Organization.

"Darfur activists around the world were at-once stunned, confused and outraged by this report on the content of the U.S.-Sudan negotiations. It is so at odds with President Bush's rhetoric on Sudan as to be simply unbelievable. Special Envoy Williamson should clarify the administration's views on Sudan when he appears before the Senate next week.

"Needless to say, normalizing ties with Sudan should be very far off, particularly given that Secretary-General Ban just this week issued a dire report on the continued violence in Darfur and Sudan's blocking of the UNAMID civilian protection force. The sad history of negotiating with Sudan's current government is that it happily gobbles up whatever carrots are offered, but doesn't follow through on its commitments. It would be better to impose penalties up front and remove them as progress is made. Negotiations with the Sudanese government must be results-based and predicated on true change on the ground in Darfur and the whole of Sudan.

"Negotiations will be successful only to the extent that they result in lasting improvement, including security for Darfuri civilians, inclusive and effective peace talks in Darfur, the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (which ended the war in southern Sudan). Negotiations must include clear benchmarks of progress."

Read the full report (207KB PDF)

Ending the catastrophe in Darfur requires a 3 P strategy: protection for civilians, a peace agreement and punishment for human rights abuses. While the deployment of the UN-AU peacekeeping force is moving ahead in the face of constant obstruction by the Sudanese government and gross inattention by the international com­munity, it will prove insufficient without a viable peace process.

Currently the Darfur peace process is in shambles

ENOUGH and the Save Darfur Coalition have out­lined the urgent steps that must be taken to create a peace to keep in Darfur, using the model of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the decades-long war in southern Sudan.

1. Appoint a single, empowered mediator

One strong lead mediator must replace the dual AU and UN special envoys because a diffusion of responsibility leads to a diffusion of effectiveness. The single mediator must have substantial nego­tiation experience in Africa—preferably in Sudan—and must be supported by a full-time team.

2. Support the mediator with coordinated international leverage

A “Quartet” of countries with the most external leverage—China, France, the UK, and the US—must work together to support the peace process, and should consult closely with regional states such as Egypt, Libya, Chad, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa.

The Quartet countries must dedicate full time staff in the region. In the case of the United States, Special Envoy Richard Wiliamson should have two full-time deputies working the Darfur and CPA is­sues as well as a field-based team with personnel in Khartoum, Chad and Juba.

The UN Security Council—driven by the Quartet—must impose consequences in the form of targeted sanctions on key individuals, a comprehensive arms embargo, and additional support to the Interna­tional Criminal Court (ICC).

3. Address the Darfur conflict in its local and national contexts

The peace process must address both the local and national issues that underlie the conflict, ensuring that resolution of the conflict in Darfur comple­ments full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended the conflict in south­ern Sudan and that provides a blueprint for the democratic transformation of the entire country. The peace process must be broadened to include traditional leaders and community leaders in camps for internally displaced personnel and refugees, Darfurian civil society groups, women’s organiza­tions, political parties, and diaspora organizations such as the Darfur Leaders Network. This will create a sense of ownership among Darfurians.

“The time has come, finally, to get it right in Sudan. The long-suffering Sudanese people deserve as much.”

Read the full report (207KB PDF)

The U.S. Holocaust Museum is inviting high school and university students to tell the next U.S. President what he or she should do to prevent genocide.

Write an op-ed or post a video with your thoughts. The authors of the two winning videos and the winning video will get a free trip to Washington, D.C., a tour of the Holocaust Museum, and an invitation to join world leaders at the Days of Remembrance Ceremony in the U.S. Capitol.

The deadline is Saturday, March 15, so submit your entries today! Click here to learn more.

In a recent op-ed in the Washington Post, John Prendergast, co-chair of the ENOUGH Project, points out three essential failures of U.S. policies towards Darfur: a misunderstanding of the problem, an exaggeration of the effectiveness of the response, and poor execution, particularly in peacekeeping.

Click here to read John Prendergast's full op-ed in the Washington Post.

Leading Darfur advocacy organizations released a statement this week outlining the four essential actions China should take, beyond private pressure on Sudan, to help end the genocide in Darfur.

The Save Darfur Coalition, ENOUGH Project, STAND: A Student Anti-Genocide Coalition, Genocide Intervention Network and Dream for Darfur released a joint position paper, a show of solidarity among advocates about the necessary and essential steps China needs to take to end the growing public outcry over China's hosting of the Olympics Games while underwriting a genocide in Darfur.

Darfur activists will also release this week its latest phase of international print advertising pressuring China on Darfur. The ad, running in leading European, Asian, African and U.S. publications, says “The games China is hosting in Beijing can’t hide those it’s playing in Darfur.” A copy of the advertisement is available at http://www.savedarfur.org/olympic_ad.

Joint Statement on China and Darfur

All nations share in the responsibility to do all they can to help bring an end to the genocide in Darfur, and, after five years of conflict, to help bring peace and security to the people of Sudan. China, though, has a special obligation to respond. China also, more than any other government except Khartoum itself, has the ability to help bring peace and security to the people of Sudan.

China’s responsibility and leverage stem from its intricate economic, military, and diplomatic relationship with Sudan. China is Sudan’s largest trade partner, major military provider, and consistent defender of Sudan’s interests in the United Nations.

This responsibility and leverage also stems from its influence in the world, especially this year. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and as acting President when the UNAMID peacekeeping approach was adopted (for which China took much credit), China is uniquely positioned to see that the role of the UN is effective. And as host of the Olympics this year, and thus temporary custodian of the universal values the Olympics represent, such as peace and cooperation, China has a special duty to ensure that the actions it takes worldwide are consistent with those values.

China did take some helpful actions last year, appointing a special envoy to Sudan, providing military engineers in Darfur, helping with the passage of UNAMID. Yet, at the same time, China’s ties to Khartoum grew closer than ever last year, with a doubling in trade just one example.

Of greatest importance, China’s modest helpful steps have not improved conditions on the ground in Darfur. In fact, the humanitarian and security situation has deteriorated dramatically in recent months, and Sudan has obstructed the deployment of UNAMID to such a degree that it is now entirely unclear whether it can ever be successful. Beyond that, China has been silent while Khartoum has resisted implementing key provisions of the North-South peace agreement, provided support to the Ugandan rebel Lord’s Resistance Army, and contributed to the recent attempt to overthrow the Chadian government by arming and supporting Chadian rebels.

The time for patience with Khartoum is long past gone. Ongoing violence in Sudan and the region, and the fate of millions of displaced Darfurians, demand otherwise.

In particular, given the unparalleled influence China has to affect Sudan’s behavior, we will hold China to a “results-based” test. China should use all the influence at its disposal to press the Sudanese government to a) permit the swift, full and effective deployment of UNAMID; b) implement the North-South peace deal and participate constructively in the Darfur peace process; and c) allow the unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid in Darfur and Eastern Chad. China will only pass this test once Sudan has acted accordingly in all three areas.

To move Sudan, behind-the-scenes pressure by China is appropriate, and is consistent with how the Chinese government prefers to operate. But in addition to private pressure, these other steps should also be taken by China to change the approach of Khartoum and move towards peace and security in Darfur. China should:

1. Immediately provide half of the transport helicopters that UNAMID requires, with support from Europe and the United States for maintenance and contracting arrangements.
2. Support punitive measures, such as UN Security Council targeted sanctions, against Khartoum officials, until peace and security for Darfur is achieved. UN targeted sanctions should be imposed immediately against government, rebel, or militia officials who are responsible for undermining UNAMID’s deployment, the North-South peace deal, or regional stability, such as attempting to overthrow the government in neighboring Chad.
3. Verifiably suspend all military cooperation with the Khartoum regime, including weapons transfers, until peace and security for Darfur is achieved.
4. Work with the United States, France, and the United Kingdom in a quartet supporting UN and African Union initiatives in Darfur, Southern Sudan, and Chad. This cooperative work on the peace process needs to be comprehensive. The problems of Darfur, Southern Sudan, and Chad are intertwined, so unless peace is advanced on all of these fronts it will be unlikely to be achieved on any of these fronts.

The following is a joint statement on the crisis in Chad from the Save Darfur Coalition, the ENOUGH Project, and the Genocide Intervention Network.

The outcome of the crisis in Chad remains uncertain, but the peril for civilians in Chad and Darfur is enormous. A low-intensity, festering civil conflict between the Chadian government and a disparate group of rebels exploded into violent confrontation in the capital N'Djamena. Thousands of refugees fled the city, and the threat of renewed violence continues. The Sudanese government, which is responsible for genocide in Darfur, supports the rebels trying to overthrow Chad's government because it wants to block the deployment of European Union peacekeepers to Eastern Chad. Sudan's ruling party not only threatens its own citizens, which it has destroyed in great numbers, it is a menace to the entire region. It will remain a menace until the rest of the world makes the cost of doing so too steep.

Policy Recommendations:

1. The U.S., France and UK should work with China and Russia to introduce immediately a UN Security Council resolution authorizing targeted sanctions on senior Sudanese officials responsible for supporting the overthrow of a neighboring sovereign government, for obstructing the deployment of international protection forces in Chad and Darfur, and for continuing to promote violence in Darfur.
    
2. The U.S., UK, France, and China, as leading members of the UN Security Council, and in coordination with the UN, the AU, and the broader international community, should work together to ensure that the UNAMID peacekeeping mission in Darfur and the EUFOR and MINURCAT peacekeeping missions in Chad/CAR are immediately and fully deployed.
    
3. The U.S., France, UK and China should use this opportunity to form an international "Quartet" to work with the UN and AU to promote an end to the interconnected conflicts in Chad and Sudan.

Take Action: Click here to write a letter to the editor of your local newspaper and demand international action to bring an end to the violence in Chad and Sudan.

By Ken Bacon, published on WorldBridge, a Refugees International Blog

Sudan's brazen rejection of international rules and standards and the West’s feckless response continue to amaze me.

Refugees International just issued a report detailing violations of a United Nations Security Council Resolution designed to bar Khartoum from transferring arms to Darfur without UNSC approval. The RI report, citing evidence gathered by a UN panel of experts, lists a number of serious violations of the arms embargo, including the arrival of three Chinese “Fantan” ground attack jets in Darfur and two Russian Mi-24 attack helicopters.

I have seen rocket casings in Darfur with both Chinese and Russian markings on them. These were fired from the air on defenseless towns destroyed by government forces and government-backed militias. By some estimates 400,000 people have died in Darfur during five years of fighting and some 2.5 million have been displaced.

What has the U.S. done? It has called for a stronger arms embargo but done little to secure one or to punish the people who violate it.

Sudan’s president, Omar al Bashir, continues to travel and hob-nob with leaders around the world. In the last month or so he has been in Portugal and Turkey. Neither the UN, the U.S. nor the European Union has done anything to place travel and other restrictions on him, despite his government’s violation of the arms embargo.

Violating the arms embargo is not all al Bashir as done. Last April, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Ahmed Haroun charging him with crimes against humanity and war crimes in connection with attacks in Darfur. The Khartoum government denied he was guilty and then went out of its way to thumb its nose at the ICC. According to Human Rights Watch, Haroun was named co-chair of a committee established to hear complaints from victims of human rights abuses and then it made him the government’s liaison with the new UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur. Khartoum has repeatedly delayed and obstructed the deployment of the expanded peacekeeping force.

Earlier this month, President al Bashir named Musa Hilal, one of the most notorious leaders of the government supported militias responsible for most of the killing in Darfur to a government post. Hilal, the Sudanese president said, had “contributed greatly to the stability and security in the region.”

President George Bush has accused the Sudanese government of sponsoring genocide in Darfur. The U.S. response—or lack of effective response—will be part of his legacy.

By Sarah Grundahl, Divestment Associate, Save Darfur Coalition

December 31, 2007 marked more than New Year. It marked a strike against genocide and a small victory for the people of Darfur. The Sudan Accountability and Divestment Act was finally signed into law.

This bill, designed to put economic pressure on the genocidal government in Sudan, is the result of years of student activism that began in April 2005 when a group of UCLA students set out to convince Americans pull investments from companies that help fund genocide in Darfur.

The Sudan divestment movement has since become a central piece of the overall Darfur advocacy movement and has awakened millions of Americans to their power to help the people of Darfur.

And the movement continues to grow as young people continue to lead. As of today, the Sudan Divestment Task Force, the Save Darfur Coalition, and activists across the country have succeeded in helping 22 states and 50 universities divest their trusts and pension funds from companies doing harmful business with Sudan. 23 additional states and 47 universities are considering divestment policies. They are all sending a message to Sudan - Not on our watch; not on our dime.

Yet, until December, without the approval of the federal government, these successes could have been reversed. In Illinois, for instance, a federation of international business interests sued to overturn a divestment law passed by the Illinois state legislature. And they won.

Illinois made it clear that we needed Congress to pass national legislation protecting the rights of states and local governments to divest from companies that support the Khartoum government and help fund genocide in Darfur.

So in early 2007, the Darfur advocacy and divestment movement took its momentum to Capitol Hill. After months of hard work by activists and lawmakers alike, Congress declared on behalf of all of us that we will not financially support any companies complicit in genocide. They passed the Sudan Accountability and Divestment Act nearly unanimously.

The bill’s success was never certain, however. President Bush and his Administration objected to the bill, believing that it infringes on their executive powers. After passing the House 418-1 last July, in December the bill was stalled and on life support in the Senate, despite the efforts of Senators on both sides of the aisle.

It was only through the strong partnership of Darfur divestment activists and leaders in Congress that it was passed and was signed into law.

At the end of November, I joined 400 students from STAND, a Student Anti-Genocide Coalition, and we took over Capitol Hill to lobby our elected leaders on behalf of Darfur. Together we spoke out to support the Sudan Accountability and Divestment Act, to demand funding for the United Nations peacekeeping force, and to make it perfectly clear that the Darfur movement won’t end until the genocide does.

We had letters to the editor in Nebraska, phone calls in South Carolina, religious communities speaking out in Kentucky, and petitions, letters and emails from every state flooding every Senate office. In every state, the collective voice and collective conscience of Darfur activists won. Every Senator opposing the bill dropped their hold, and the bill passed unanimously on December 12, 2007.

The most amazing part of this story is that all of this happened simply because people cared enough about Darfur to make a phone call, send an email, or set up a meeting to help millions of people they’ve never met, thousands of miles away. What continues to amaze me and bring me to work every day is that students, teachers, ministers, rabbis, bishops, union workers, Darfuris, retirees and their grandchildren have cared enough to tell their elected officials to divest for Darfur.

In the year it took to pass this bill, seasoned campaigners and new activists alike volunteered their own time and efforts to make sure this bill passed, and to make sure that their universities, their states, and they themselves were not investing in genocide. In December, I got an email from a high school student who sent a petition to her Senator with thousands of signatures from her fellow students. People who previously had no idea they were invested in offending companies were now coming together to support divestment.

This year, the 22 states that have already divested will not find themselves fearing a lawsuit for doing the right thing. Thousands of young people came together to make this happen. Our generation was the driving force behind this bill, and the people who worked day and night to write, push and pass this bill are indeed a force to be reckoned with.

I expected to come to D.C. and become calloused by the ways of Washington politics. Instead, I found that the strong moral voices of people of all ages, religions and backgrounds can move a bill from idea to text, from debate to passage, from contestation to Presidential approval. As a movement we were there to make the terms clear: we will not financially support the government of Sudan or the companies that enable its genocidal campaign. We won’t let our elected officials stand by either. Together, we will make a difference – the difference between life and death in Darfur.

By Alex Meixner

Two important milestones for Sudan came and went in the last two weeks. On December 31, UNAMID, the hybrid United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force for Darfur, assumed command and control of peacekeeping operations in the region. January 9 marked the third anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between North and South Sudan, an agreement that ended 21 years of brutal civil war that cost 2 million lives.

Yet, peace in Sudan remains elusive.

The continuing violence and instability which still characterize much of Sudan despite these milestones serve as a sad, poignant reminder of the skill with which Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir continues to betray the people of Sudan and deceive the international community.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement was touted as the foundation for a lasting peace throughout Sudan. It was the result of years of careful diplomacy and established a framework for power- and wealth-sharing, a cessation of hostilities, and the demarcation of borders between the North and the South. The C.P.A. also adopted an interim constitution for the country, gave the South the right of referendum in 2011 and, most importantly, mandated free and fair national elections in 2009.

But al-Bashir and his National Congress Party regime have consistently thwarted the most significant provisions of the C.P.A., delaying or outright rejecting key deadlines for action. He made every effort to slow the overdue withdrawal of his troops from the South and complied only when the semi-independent government of Southern Sudan threatened a complete withdrawal from the shaky (and largely fictional) coalition Government of National Unity. He has rejected recommendations of the C.P.A.-mandated Abyei Boundary Commission report. He has failed to implement the interim constitution. And he has stopped preparations for national elections by delaying a crucial pre-election census.

President al-Bashir has exhibited the same hypocrisy and trickery in Darfur and has racked up a long laundry list of lies and broken promises. Although he agreed to the UNAMID peacekeeping mission in principle, he is doing all he can to block its deployment. He is refusing to approve - or even respond to - the full list of Troop Contributing Countries as submitted by the U.N., and has rejected any non-African troops. He is also refusing to approve the critical Status of Forces Agreement for UNAMID, refusing to provide land and permits for the force, and has tried to dictate when and where the UN can operate.

More troubling still, al-Bashir’s official army recently moved past mere obstruction by ambushing a UNAMID convoy, and then had the temerity to blame the UN for the incident. No UNAMID personnel were killed, but the attack highlights the fact that UNAMID is not yet sufficiently equipped to protect itself, let alone the civilian population of Darfur.

Unless the U.N. Security Council and the wider international community provide UNAMID with the resources and air assets it needs, provide the political support necessary to get the C.P.A. back on track, and, perhaps most importantly, hold al-Bashir and his regime accountable for their crimes in Darfur, this environment of impunity will no doubt continue.

By Ken Bacon, published on WorldBridge, a Refugees International Blog.

What if the United States and its allies pressured the United Nations to deploy a large new peacekeeping force to the Darfur region of Sudan and then failed to support it? I would consider the lack of support hypocritical and a clear lack of leadership.

Well, that is exactly what the U.S. and its allies are doing. On January 1st a new UN-African Union force will take over peacekeeping responsibilities in Darfur. The hybrid force will eventually have 26,000 members, replacing a beleaguered African Union force of about 7,000. Not only is the new force supposed to be larger, it is also supposed to be better equipped than the AU force. It is supposed to have sophisticated communications equipment and adequate transport, including helicopters, so it can move quickly around Darfur, an area as big as Texas.

So far, however, a UN campaign to win pledges of adequate helicopters and crews has failed completely. Last week, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon sent a letter to the UN Security Council asking for 24 helicopters for the Darfur force, also known as UNAMID. Despite his plea, “no member state has come forward to provide these vital assets,” he told the press.

Mr. Ban has done more than write letters. Last week Deputy Secretary General Asha-Rose Migiro said: “In the past weeks and months, the Secretary General has contacted, personally, every possible contributor of helicopters—in the Americas, in Europe, in Asia. And not one has been made available.” UN officials say that Mr. Ban has repeatedly raised the helicopter issue with top U.S. officials.

“In Europe alone there are thousands of military helicopters of different types. Large numbers of helicopters also exist in key Asian powers, and in the Americas,’ Ms. Migiro said. “Any assistance the governments in these regions can offer would be profoundly appreciated, not least by the people of Darfur.”

President Bush has accused the government of Sudan of committing genocide in Darfur, yet the U.S. now seems unwilling to provide a new peacekeeping force with the equipment it needs to succeed. U.S. officials say that the U.S. helicopters assets are tied up in Iraq, Afghanistan and in training. What’s more, they say that Sudan wouldn’t allow U.S. military pilots to fly in Darfur. Maybe they’re right, but why not put the Khartoum government on the spot by offering to send helicopters, perhaps from Reserve units?

The new UN-AU force faces many obstacles, including unwarranted restrictions imposed by the government of Sudan. Now wealthy, well-armed nations appear to be working hand in glove with Khartoum to sabotage the new peacekeeping force by grounding it even before it deploys.

This is more than hypocritical; it’s outrageous.

--Ken Bacon

By Amjad Atallah, Senior Director of International Policy and Advocacy, Save Darfur Coalition

The International Criminal Court's Chief Prosecutor, Moreno Ocampo, will update the U.N. Security Council this week on indictments issued for two alleged war criminals: Sudanese Minister for Humanitarian Affairs Ahmed Haroun and janjaweed militia leader Ali Kosheib. Both were charged with multiple counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including targeted sexual violence and wide scale rape. Today, both remain at large in Sudan.

Sexual violence has become far too common in Darfur. There are recorded instances of dozens of women and girls held in captivity for weeks and repeatedly raped and tortured. Many times, they are released only when they are known to be pregnant.

The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), for example, released a report in August that gruesomely details the abduction, systematic rape and torture of about 50 women from Deribat in South Darfur. The abductees – many of them children – were held as sex slaves for a month before they managed to escape. Several became pregnant. With no access to health care, pregnancy made some of the women severely ill. Others opted for life-threatening abortions.

Such incidents are not isolated, nor are they prosecuted or even condemned by the Government of Sudan. In many cases, the perpetrators are rewarded for these horrific acts. Often, the government will set up an "investigatory committee," thinly veiled delaying tactics it uses to shelter rapists and war criminals.

U.N. reports have consistently indicated that commanders and leaders of the Sudanese government's Popular Defense Forces (PDF) may share criminal responsibility for sexual violence. Some have authorized or even led the attacks.

Yet the perpetrators remain unpunished. Ahmed Haroun — the same man the ICC indicted on 42 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity — is the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and the co-chair of a committee to investigate human rights abuses in Darfur. Chief Prosecutor Ocampo, best explained the irony of the situation: “the same man, who as Minister of State for the Interior, allegedly attacked civilians and forced people out of their homes and into camps, is today in charge of the camps, controlling the fate of his victims.”

Sudan needs justice as much as it needs peace. As the international community becomes engaged in the deployment of a peacekeeping force, the peace process, and the negotiation of an effective ceasefire agreement, there is a parallel need to raise issues of accountability. Transparent and impartial courts must address widespread accounts of rape, and they must begin breaking down the well-established walls between sexual violence and justice in Sudan.

As it stands now, Sudanese legal structure is more likely to persecute those who report incidents of rape than those who actually committed the atrocities. Further, according to a June 2007 assessment of Sudanese rape law by Refugees International, members of the military, security services, police, or border guards cannot be prosecuted for rape. Since many members of the janjaweed have been integrated into the Sudan Army Forces and PDF, they are granted the same immunity.

The attack on Deribat was not the first instance of massive sexual violence against women in Darfur, and it will likely not be the last. Too often, rape and other forms of gender-based violence are viewed as part of the landscape of war, designated as a footnote in the history books. In Darfur, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, (or Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda in the 1990s) rape is being used as a tool of war—to degrade and intimidate, and to systematically destroy communities and drive people from their land.

The women of Darfur, like women elsewhere, have a long history of cultural and civic leadership. The abduction of women into sexual slavery, the rape of women as they collect firewood, and the sexual violence targeted at young girls acknowledges this fact and aims to destroy Darfuri women’s ability to lead and rebuild their communities.

As Chief Prosecutor Ocampo speaks before the U.N. Security Council, the international community must bear in mind that rape and sexual violence used as a tool of war is a crime against humanity under the ICC. Beyond Haroun, Kosheib, and their nefarious cronies, there is a clear ringleader of these atrocities. Like the former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic before him, President al-Bashir has command and control responsibility over his forces and must be held to account.

It is our responsibility to ensure that the voices of those terrorized by rape and violence do not go unheard, and that the people responsible for their suffering are brought to justice.

This is not an act of charity for these women – it is self-defense for all of us. Impunity for such crimes encourages similar attacks elsewhere. We did not stand up soon enough against the rape camps in Bosnia and we tried to ignore the genocide in Rwanda and the mass rape that accompanied it. We cannot make the same mistake in Darfur.

Al-Bashir is at it again.

Last weekend, Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir again tried to thwart the will of the international community and said that he will not accept non-African peacekeeping troops in Darfur.

After one failed attempt to deploy peacekeepers and years of negotiations with the Sudanese government, the U.N. Security Council finally approved a peacekeeping force for Darfur in July. The Security Council, submitting to Sudanese demands, authorized a force of a "predominantly African character" with troops that are "as far as possible … sourced from African countries."

But Al-Bashir is stonewalling again. He blocked the first attempt to deploy peacekeepers in Darfur and forced the world to accept a force with fewer resources and a smaller chance of success. Now he's threatening to block another attempt and further weaken the peacekeeping force.

"He said he accepted the force unconditionally when the U.N. Security Council were in Khartoum last June," said Larry Rossin, former U.N. Ambassador and board member of the Save Darfur Coalition. "And here he is lying again."

We must make sure the world retains the political will to deliver help to the people of Darfur. Click here to sign a petition to U.S. President George W. Bush and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and urge them to stand strong against Al-Bashir's backhanded tactics.

Making Sirte Work

ENOUGH, the Project to Abolish Genocide and Mass Atrocities yesterday released a new paper that lays out strategies to salvage the tenuous Darfur peace process that began in Libya last month.

The paper draws on lessons learned from two of Sudan’s recent political negotiations—those that led to the fragile 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and the failed 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement. Its authors, John Prendergast and Colin Thomas-Jensen, suggest that Darfuri rebel groups must agree to a common negotiating position if the peace process is to succeed.

In particular, the report recommends that the peace talks be immediately restructured in three critical areas:

• Content: rather than wait for parties to come up with their own proposals, the joint mediation team should author an end-state draft agreement that reflects the widely shared concerns of Darfur’s displaced civilians, the principal victims of the conflict;

• Process: the talks must be broadened to ensure that all stakeholders in Darfur have ownership over the envisioned end state and ultimately, the final agreement; and countries with the most leverage – the United States, China, France, and the United Kingdom – must deploy full time and fully staffed envoys to the region to support the mediation effort and conduct shuttle diplomacy as needed; and

• Leverage: the UN Security Council must impose clear costs for parties that obstruct the peace process; the United States must also provide declassified intelligence to help the International Criminal Court execute additional indictments against those most responsible for crimes against humanity in Darfur.

While a clear end state, tight and inclusive structure and focused leverage are critical for success in Sirte, the report emphasizes that the Darfur peace talks are only one part of a larger solution for Sudan.